he Polish government issued a draft plan for reorganization of the country's trade union movement today. The draft document prohibits unions from engaging in political activities and from organizing by territorial units, as did Solidarity, the suspended independent union.

The paper, which has been weeks in preparation, is intended to serve as the basis for a national discussion that authorities say will precede final passage of an official trade union bill.

Polish authorities, meanwhile, announced today that the policy-making Central Committee of the Communist Party will meet on Wednesday and Thursday, the first meeting of that key body since martial law was declared Dec. 13. It is thought that the meeting had been delayed while rival party factions wrestled over Poland's future course, an important element of which is the shape the trade union movement will take.

The Central Committee will be followed Friday and Saturday by a meeting of the Sejm, or national assembly, which is to take up several key economic and social reform bills.

In Moscow, the official Soviet news agency Tass announced Sunday that the Polish leader, Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski, will pay an official visit in early March in his first trip abroad since he imposed martial law. Details on A13.

East European analysts said the visit seemed to reflect confidence by Polish authorities that the situation in the country has been brought under control and that closer consultation with the Kremlin is now needed on the country's future.

It is still unclear to what extent Solidarity leaders now interned will be able to participate in the debate on the trade union movement, or how long the discussion is to last. Government officials have indicated, however, that they intend to ignore comments by political extremists, a category into which many of Solidarity's unrepenting leadership is placed.

Today's document asserts that the government does not intend to force any specific idea of rearranging trade unions on the Polish people, promising that the "voice of every honest working man should be heard clearly and firmly."

At the same time, it plainly states that the way Solidarity functioned was unacceptable and that fundamental changes in the union's charter will be necessary before it will be permitted to operate again.

The draft, written by a special government committee headed by Deputy Premier Mieczyslaw Rakowski, a relative moderate, says it expects to see a trade union movement evolve that lies somewhere between the old branch unions, which were rejected by a large majority of Polish workers in 1980 as extensions of the Communist Party, and Solidarity, which has in effect been rejected by the government as a political opposition force.

"The trade union movement cannot contribute through its political activities to the split of society," the paper says, "spreading anarchy and tensions."

Future unions will be required to honor the legal and political conditions set in the August 1980 agreements signed between striking workers along the Baltic Coast and in the Silesian coal mines and the government. Those conditions include agreement to abide by the Polish constitution, recognition of the leading role of the party and approval of social ownership of means of production.

In addition, the paper said, the statutes, organizational structure and practical functioning of a union will have to guarantee that it "will remain just a trade union, without any ambitions to play a role of a political party."

Reactivation of trade union activities is said to depend on "creation of clear principles of statute that would make it impossible to use the trade union movement for antisocialist political activity and to use the name of the legal trade union to cover illegal activities of the counterrevolutionary antistate organizations."

An important element of Solidarity's political strength was its structure. The union consisted basically of regional units held together by a democratically elected national commission. This contrasted with the organization of the official unions it replaced, set up along specific industrial and professional lines. By adopting a territorial structure, Solidarity mirrored the organization of the party and state it challenged.

"The experiences prove that centralized trade unions based on the regions"--that is, unions that are based on the territorial structures--"give up dealing with workers' problems," the government's draft declares. "The territorial structure is in favor of political activities and not for protection of interests of employes of certain branches or vocational groups."

The paper says that all employes will be free to join a union, except for employes of the Defense Department and police, the state administration staff, judges and prosecutors. Solidarity had battled with authorities previously over the right of police and civil servants to belong to a trade union.

The right to strike is acknowledged as "the ultimate measure," but the paper goes on to say strikes should not be overused and it outlaws "political strikes."

Regulations for paying striking workers will be spelled out in the new trade union bill, the draft states, adding that Solidarity's practice of arranging for those still working to pay for those on strike will not be permitted in the future.

The document says that trade unions will be allowed to carry on their own research and analysis and have their own press and access to mass media--a point for which Solidarity long fought. But under the current tight censorship rules, it is doubtful that even a revived Solidarity will enjoy the same liberties of publication and broadcast that the union was approaching last year.

In an apparent attempt to block the kind of contacts with Western trade organizations that lent assistance to Solidarity, the government's paper says that trade unions "cannot link with political forces and foreign trade union centers which are hostile to socialist Poland."

Referring to the experience with Solidarity, the document states that responsibility "for violating the August agreements and changing the nature" of the union lies with union leaders, numerous advisers and certain "hostile political organizations" who "got control over the particular leading groups of Solidarity and began to influence the form of adventurous policy of the union."

But the paper states that "no one can be punished for the fact that he was a member of any legally functioning trade union or for activities consistent with a statute and with law."