The Senate Foreign Relations Committee unanimously adopted a compromise program of military aid for El Salvador yesterday after rejecting the larger increases recommended by President Reagan.

The committee approved $76 million per year in military aid compared with $136 million requested by the administration for fiscal 1983 and $86 million for 1984. Administration officials called the outcome a substantial improvement over earlier plans the committee had discussed, but reserved the right to fight for further gains on the Senate floor.

The aid level voted by the committee is close to the $81 million the United States gave the Salvadoran government last year in its fight against left-wing guerrillas. It is considered enough to keep the war going at its present level.

In a politically sensitive vote, three Republicans--Nancy Landon Kassebaum (Kan.), Charles McC. Mathias Jr. (Md.) and Larry Pressler (S.D.)--joined the eight Democrats on the panel in rejecting the effort to approve the full Reagan-sponsored Salvadoran military aid program, 11 to 6.

By insisting on the roll-call vote, even though it seemed certain to go against them, administration backers put Democrats and dissenting Republicans on record as rejecting Reagan's pleas.

Sen. Richard G. Lugar (R-Ind.), who pushed for the vote, spoke of fixing the political responsibility for El Salvador. His argument was reminiscent of the final line in Reagan's address on Central America to a joint session of Congress two weeks ago: "Who among us would wish to bear responsibility for failing to meet our shared obligation?"

Several Democrats argued that Lugar was injecting partisanship into a bipartisan effort to forge a compromise on El Salvador.

Kassebaum was the principal sponsor of the compromise, joined at the last minute by a "not totally" satisfied Sen. Christopher J. Dodd (Conn.), a leading Democratic critic of Reagan's Central America policies. Kassebaum worked out her program in a series of meetings with Sen. Charles H. Percy (R-Ill.) and administration officials, including Thomas O. Enders, assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs.

The administration received $26 million in Salvador military aid late last year and recently won committee approval to reallocate $30 million from other programs. Kassebaum's plan adds $20 million to this, with the provision that the additional funds can be spent only for training of Salvadoran military forces within the United States. This is about half of the special training fund that Reagan had requested for this year.

Another part of the compromise grants full funding of the administration's request for economic aid to El Salvador--$140 million this year and $120 million in fiscal 1984.

Still another feature would permit the administration some flexibility to reallocate additional military funds to El Salvador from other programs in case of emergency, subject to approval by Congress. The administration continued to hold out for greater flexibility in case of emergency, without a requirement for congressional review.

Meanwhile, members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee moved closer to a compromise on a complex package of conditions to be placed on military aid to El Salvador. "The Salvador issue is within a hair's breadth of being resolved," said Chairman Clement J. Zablocki (D-Wis.), who postponed a vote until this morning.

The House subcommittee on western hemisphere affairs last month adopted a stringent set of political conditions on continued aid.

Yesterday, Reps. Stephen J. Solarz (D-N.Y.), author of the earlier certification package, and Dante B. Fascell (D-Fla.), who had proposed a milder version favored by Republicans, said both sides had agreed in principle that the 1984 military aid would be cut off after 90 days if the Salvadoran government had not entered into negotiations with the guerrillas Compromise Aid Plan For Salvador Cleared By Don Oberdorfer and Margot Hornblower Washington Post Staff Writers

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee unanimously adopted a compromise program of military aid for El Salvador yesterday after rejecting the larger increases recommended by President Reagan.

The committee approved $76 million per year in military aid compared with $136 million requested by the administration for fiscal 1983 and $86 million for 1984. Administration officials called the outcome a substantial improvement over earlier plans the committee had discussed, but reserved the right to fight for further gains on the Senate floor.

The aid level voted by the committee is close to the $81 million the United States gave the Salvadoran government last year in its fight against left-wing guerrillas. It is considered enough to keep the war going at its present level.

In a politically sensitive vote, three Republicans--Nancy Landon Kassebaum (Kan.), Charles McC. Mathias Jr. (Md.) and Larry Pressler (S.D.)--joined the eight Democrats on the panel in rejecting the effort to approve the full Reagan-sponsored Salvadoran military aid program, 11 to 6.

By insisting on the roll-call vote, even though it seemed certain to go against them, administration backers put Democrats and dissenting Republicans on record as rejecting Reagan's pleas.

Sen. Richard G. Lugar (R-Ind.), who pushed for the vote, spoke of fixing the political responsibility for El Salvador. His argument was reminiscent of the final line in Reagan's address on Central America to a joint session of Congress two weeks ago: "Who among us would wish to bear responsibility for failing to meet our shared obligation?"

Several Democrats argued that Lugar was injecting partisanship into a bipartisan effort to forge a compromise on El Salvador.

Kassebaum was the principal sponsor of the compromise, joined at the last minute by a "not totally" satisfied Sen. Christopher J. Dodd (Conn.), a leading Democratic critic of Reagan's Central America policies. Kassebaum worked out her program in a series of meetings with Sen. Charles H. Percy (R-Ill.) and administration officials, including Thomas O. Enders, assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs.

The administration received $26 million in Salvador military aid late last year and recently won committee approval to reallocate $30 million from other programs. Kassebaum's plan adds $20 million to this, with the provision that the additional funds can be spent only for training of Salvadoran military forces within the United States. This is about half of the special training fund that Reagan had requested for this year.

Another part of the compromise grants full funding of the administration's request for economic aid to El Salvador--$140 million this year and $120 million in fiscal 1984.

Still another feature would permit the administration some flexibility to reallocate additional military funds to El Salvador from other programs in case of emergency, subject to approval by Congress. The administration continued to hold out for greater flexibility in case of emergency, without a requirement for congressional review.

Meanwhile, members of the House Foreign Affairs Committee moved closer to a compromise on a complex package of conditions to be placed on military aid to El Salvador. "The Salvador issue is within a hair's breadth of being resolved," said Chairman Clement J. Zablocki (D-Wis.), who postponed a vote until this morning.

The House subcommittee on western hemisphere affairs last month adopted a stringent set of political conditions on continued aid.

Yesterday, Reps. Stephen J. Solarz (D-N.Y.), author of the earlier certification package, and Dante B. Fascell (D-Fla.), who had proposed a milder version favored by Republicans, said both sides had agreed in principle that the 1984 military aid would be cut off after 90 days if the Salvadoran government had not entered into negotiations with the guerrillas "in good faith and without preconditions."

The question of unconditional negotiations has been a sticking point between the administration, which has sought to limit discussions to the circumstances surrounding the upcoming elections, and liberal Democrats who say the warring parties should sit down at the negotiating table without having their options limited.

Under the compromise, the military aid would be approved automatically if the president certified that the conditions were being met after the first six months. However, in September, 1984, Congress would have to pass a joint resolution concurring in the president's second certification report. That would give the Democratic-controlled House a veto over the aid.

In a related development, the White House announced the elimination of most of Nicaragua's quota of sugar exports to the United States, and their reallocation to Honduras, Costa Rica and El Salvador. A statement said the action was intended to reduce Nicaragua's resources to finance its military buildup and "its support for subversion" in Central America. graphics/1 photo: SEN. NANCY LANDON KASSEBAUM ...principal sponsor of the compromise graphics/2 photo: SEN. CHRISTOPHER J. DODD ..."not totally" satisfied with plan "in good faith and without preconditions."

The question of unconditional negotiations has been a sticking point between the administration, which has sought to limit discussions to the circumstances surrounding the upcoming elections, and liberal Democrats who say the warring parties should sit down at the negotiating table without having their options limited.

Under the compromise, the military aid would be approved automatically if the president certified that the conditions were being met after the first six months. However, in September, 1984, Congress would have to pass a joint resolution concurring in the president's second certification report. That would give the Democratic-controlled House a veto over the aid.

In a related development, the White House announced the elimination of most of Nicaragua's quota of sugar exports to the United States, and their reallocation to Honduras, Costa Rica and El Salvador. A statement said the action was intended to reduce Nicaragua's resources to finance its military buildup and "its support for subversion" in Central America.