Two small black flags hang limply from poles outside the home of Daoud Daoud in this village eight miles northeast of Tyre. They have been there since mid-June, when, according to Daoud, a teen-aged boy from the village was murdered "for no reason" by agents of Israel's civilian General Security Services.
In the larger, nearby town of Marrakeh, rocks are piled in the roads that converge in the central square. They are a pathetically ineffective barrier against the machinery of a modern army, but that is their purpose.
"We are expecting a great attack by the Israelis," said Khalil Jarradi, the local leader of Amal, the southern Lebanon Moslem Shiite political and military organization.
Bidyas and Marrakeh are populated by Moslem Shiites, the majority population of southern Lebanon. Like other towns and villages in the mountains east of the Lebanese coast, they are centers of resistance to the occupying Israeli Army.
From places like these, attacks are launched on Israeli patrols in a resistance movement that, according to some neutral observers, has begun to take on religious overtones and is directed not just against Israel but against Jews as the enemies of Islam.
According to United Nations figures, there were about 60 attacks on Israeli soldiers in southern Lebanon last month and another 30 directed at soldiers of the Israeli-supported South Lebanon Army.
About the same number of attacks against the two forces occurred in August. Most of the attacks against the Israelis occurred south of the Litani River and inland from the coast.
Senior Israeli military officials in the territory say that there has not been a dramatic upsurge in the overall number of assaults on their soldiers, but they confirm that in recent months Amal has become bolder in its actions against the Israelis.
Israeli officers say Amal's new aggressiveness may be linked to the desire of its leader, Nabih Berri, who is in Beirut, to strengthen his bargaining position with other Lebanese factional leaders by demonstrating the strength of his militia in resisting the Israelis.
The Israelis do concede that most of the attacks -- whether ambushes or planted roadside explosive devices -- are being carried out by Shiite Moslem natives of southern Lebanon and not infiltrators from the north.
According to a western source who is familiar with the area, the anger and resentment that have built up during more than two years of Israeli occupation are now also being fueled by local Shiite religious leaders, especially in the mountain villages, who have begun to preach about an Islamic duty to attack and expel the occupying Jews.
"The mullahs Shiite religious leaders are getting stronger in the villages, and it is becoming dangerously close to a religious war against the Jews," he said.
This observer said that if the trend continues, an Israeli troop withdrawal could be followed by a new phenomenon: attacks by Lebanese Shiites, not Palestinian guerrillas, across the border into Israel.
"Israel has some time" to prevent this from developing, "but not too much time," he said.
At the moment, a Shiite guerrilla war directed into Israel does not appear to be an immediate threat. Amal and other organizations that operate among the Shiite population do not approach the level of resources and organization once enjoyed in southern Lebanon by the Palestine Liberation Organization, which was expelled from the area by the 1982 Israeli invasion. Even outspoken Amal leaders such as Daoud and Jarradi insist that their sole objective remains an Israeli withdrawal, not an attack on Israel itself.
But the long-term threat of this developing, should the Israeli occupation continue, is clearly taken seriously by senior Israeli officials. In a published interview last week, Maj. Gen. Ehud Barak, the chief of Israeli military intelligence, said:
"The main danger is that the growing Shiite emnity will gather momentum so that even if an agreement is reached enabling our pullout, the Shiite attacks will continue across the international border."
Hirsh Goodman, the military correspondent of the Jerusalem Post, wrote this week that in southern Lebanon Israel is witnessing a new and frightening development -- "Shiite terrorism."
"We have destroyed the PLO and created a new monster in its place," Goodman quoted a senior Israeli defense official as saying. These and similar assessments are adding to the pressure on Israel to withdraw.
Daoud, 40, Amal's chief political operative in southern Lebanon, is a representative of the increasingly militant Shiite population. He claims to be a hunted man, constantly on the move to evade Israeli agents who he says are searching for him.
A year ago in conversations with western reporters, Daoud took a relatively moderate line, calling for an Israeli withdrawal while apparently being content to wait for Israel to make good on its pledge of a pullout. But in a conversation this week, Daoud assumed the role of the fiery resistance leader.
Amal, to maintain and build the intensity of resistance, is telling the local population that the Israeli occupation may go on for years, he said.
"So we must defend ourselves, we must oppose, one year, two years, 10 years, we don't care," Daoud said. He said south Lebanese who cooperate with Israel, or leave the area in the face of the occupation, are considered "traitors."
"So we are not allowed to leave, and who will be killed, that is his fate, and who goes to prison, that is his fate," Daoud said.
"The resistance is popular resistance, from the people here. Israel doesn't know the center of decisions. The people here know that if they do not resist, their fate will be very bad, like the Israeli-occupied West Bank. And they know that no one in the world will help them."
Israeli authorities dismiss Daoud as an opportunist. He is, they say, not a Lebanese Shiite, but a Palestinian who joined Amal to be part of the strongest organization in southern Lebanon. They laugh at his self-portrait as elusive resistance leader one step ahead of pursuing Israeli agents.
"If he appeared on our wanted list, we could reach him," said a senior Israeli officer.
This could all be true but irrelevant. Whether Daoud is a leader or opportunist, whether Amal is fermenting resistance or merely following growing popular sentiment, the effect on the Israelis and its adjunct South Lebanon Army is the same.
Shiite resistance to the Israelis has been growing gradually for more than a year. One key event occurred last October in the city of Nabatiyah on the final day of a Shiite Moslem religious feast. An Israeli patrol encountered a procession in the center of town and tried to push its way through. There was a scuffle, the Israelis opened fire and at least two people in the procession were killed.
In many of the mountain villages, there have been other, less publicized incidents that served as turning points, deepening the resentment of the Israelis and fueling momentum toward armed opposition. In Bidyas, there was the alleged murder of the teen-ager by civilian Israeli security agents who, according to local accounts, have become much more active than in the past.