BONN, JUNE 3 -- The Bonn government's bow to its allies' wishes in accepting a proposed short-range nuclear missile deal despite strong arguments to the contrary has revived resentments here best expressed by Bonn's rueful adage that West Germany is "an economic giant but a political dwarf."

Conservatives in Chancellor Helmut Kohl's coalition, who normally are this nation's staunchest supporters of U.S. foreign policy, are bitterly unhappy over what they see as excessive pressure from Washington to embrace the proposal, according to high-ranking political and diplomatic sources.

The conservatives, who dominate the center-right coalition, feel that the United States and the rest of NATO, in their desire for an arms control agreement, paid little attention to West Germany's special interests in the matter.

As NATO's front-line state in central Europe, West Germany is particularly sensitive to the need to preserve a credible nuclear deterrent in the face of the Warsaw Pact's superiority in conventional forces.

Kohl's coalition announced Monday that it had accepted the broad outlines of the so-called "double-zero option," which originally was proposed by Moscow.

The deal provides for the barring from Europe of short-range missiles, or those in the 300- to 600-mile range, as part of a planned treaty also to rid the continent of medium-range missiles, or those in the 600- to 3,500-mile range.

Volker Ruehe, one of Kohl's top foreign policy advisers, criticized Secretary of State George P. Shultz and other U.S. officials for saying publicly in April that the United States supported Moscow's offer.

"There's irritation {here} about the procedure that was followed. There was public pressure at an early stage from the United States, and this has to be avoided in the future," Ruehe said in a telephone interview.

Bonn's need to accommodate its allies also has had some negative effects for Kohl at home, even though the prospect of an arms treaty is a popular one.

The coalition's combative, six-week debate over the issue prompted fresh criticism from leftists and conservatives alike that Kohl lacks authority as a leader.

The chancellor sat on the sidelines while the conservatives in his own Christian Democratic Union and its sister party, the Christian Social Union, waged a rhetorical battle with the detente-oriented Free Democratic Party of Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher, who supported the deal.

The left-of-center magazine Stern criticized the government for its "embarrassing and disorderly" handling of the issue, while the influential and conservative daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung said that the affair demonstrated "how limited West German influence is within the circle of nations."

The United States has supported the double-zero package on grounds that it represents a unilateral Soviet cutback.

The Soviets have about 130 of the short-range missiles, while the United States contends that it has none.

But Defense Minister Manfred Woerner, a Christian Democrat, and conservative parliamentary leaders argued for keeping open a U.S. option to match the Soviet short-range arsenal.

They contended that barring both short-range and medium-range weapons would be too big a step toward eliminating NATO's nuclear deterrent.

The conservatives also argued that banning both classes of missiles would leave West Germany especially vulnerable -- because of geography -- to a nuclear encounter involving the remaining "battlefield" nuclear weapons on both sides with ranges of less than 300 miles.

After the conservatives tried unsuccessfully to round up support for their position from Britain and France, the coalition reluctantly accepted the double-zero option on condition that the West German Air Force is allowed to keep its 72 aged, Pershing IA missile systems.

The Pershing IAs can travel about 440 miles and are therefore in the category of short-range weapons to be barred. Moreover, their nuclear warheads are under U.S. control, and the Soviets have said that the warheads must go.

But Bonn reaffirmed the longstanding NATO position that the Pershing IAs are West German systems, and therefore outside the scope of the U.S.-Soviet talks.

Officials and diplomats here predicted that the Pershing IA dispute would not prevent a treaty from being signed, although they differed over whether Moscow or Washington would yield.

The conservatives' disenchantment may well result in a strengthening of the government's resolve to assert its interests more forcefully in future debates about security issues, according to government and political sources.

In particular, Kohl has signaled that he is determined to press for negotiations with the Soviets about the battlefield nuclear weapons in the under-300 mile range.

The United States, Britain and France oppose such talks out of fear that the Soviets would propose a "triple-zero" package by calling for removal of all nuclear weapons down to a range of zero.

The West Germans, however, want talks aimed at cutting the Soviet advantage in battlefield missiles, and at forestalling NATO demands for a buildup in this category.