This is another in a series of occasional articles on what the Democratic and Republican contenders for president are saying on the stump. Roots

"My roots are in the canyon country of northern Arizona, a land staked out and settled by my grandparents when they pushed west from Ohio a hundred years ago.

"I come from a family of ranchers and frontier merchants. They helped build schools and towns in the wilderness, and they lived by simple beliefs: You work hard. You do what's right. You stand up for what you believe in.

"That is what I take from Arizona.

"In the '60s, I took it down South -- to Selma, Ala., in the fight for civil rights, and from Mississippi to Texas in the 'war on poverty.' And like the rest of my generation, which came of age in the '60s, I learned at firsthand the power of ordinary people to take charge of their lives and transform society in the process.

"In the '70s and '80s, I took that lesson back to Arizona -- first as a prosecutor and then as governor. And there I found again that the hardest things to do were the things most worth doing. Like winning a liberal health-care plan from the most conservative legislature in the country. Like taking on organized crime and getting convictions on men who had a contract on my life. Like stepping in to negotiate labor disputes, but calling out the National Guard when that's what it took to keep the peace." Democrats and Republicans

"Our {Democratic} Party leaders, I submit, have grown blind to priorities. For years they looked out upon the vast, sprawling landscape of government spending and stood for a one-word platform: more. Theirs was the Brezhnev Doctrine of domestic politics: that every dollar and every program is forever, that revision -- any revision, anywhere -- is to be resisted to the end.

"It didn't work, couldn't have worked, not even in a nation as wealthy and as generous as America. There are tradeoffs in government, as in life. Some things are more important than others. Progressive Democrats failed to see that, and when it came time to choose, they laid down their gloves and surrendered.

"There is even less to be said for the predominant ideologies of the Republican Party. These people believe, with their president, that government is the enemy, that it has no useful role in easing hardship and promoting the advancement of good, that hunger is a valuable economic force. This conservative ethos, so puffed up with its own morality, is in fact deeply amoral. It begins and ends with self-interest. And it rests, at bottom, on a cold, hard failure of empathy.

"And that, ladies and gentlemen, is why I will never be a Republican." Gramm-Rudman-Hollings

"Gramm-Rudman is everything that is wrong and rotten in Washington. Gramm-Rudman {budget law} is a statement that nothing really matters -- there are no choices. Presidential libraries have the same priority as sick children. The homeless are indistinguishable from a military band. Medical research means no more than junk mail out of Congress . . . .

"The ability to govern means the ability to make choices. And if you can't make choices and you can't justify them, then you have no business being in government and you should get out." Economic Goals

"The next president must set this national goal: That by 1996 . . . the American workplace will reflect the common pursuit of labor and management -- the pursuit of competitive success; that by 1996, two-thirds of American workers will share directly in the profits and losses of their own business, that they'll earn new forms of compensation that give them a greater stake in the products they produce and the companies they work for . . . .

"The next president must say that no American company will be permitted to deduct an executive bonus as a business expense unless it offers productivity pay for all of its employes. Productivity is a shared effort, and it must have shared rewards. And those rewards must not be taxed into oblivion. If you perform well, and if you earn a bonus for that performance, you should have the right to deposit that bonus in a tax-exempt account." 'Balanced' Trade

"Balanced trade simply means that the international system is only going to work when countries export on the average about as much as they import and when countries are required by international agreement to balance their multilateral trading accounts. Balanced trade cannot be legislated by demagogues in the United States Congress. But it can be negotiated with our trading partners in the international arena. We did it at Bretton Woods in 1945. But now the world has changed and the rules haven't." Terrorism

"An America in charge would stamp out terrorism, and we must begin with a pledge to let our heads rule our hearts. We must never again trade anything of value for a hostage. And if we take that pledge seriously, then some of the hostages may not be coming home." Nicaragua and the Use of Power

"Being powerful does not always mean flexing our military muscles. And, in any case, it never means only that. Our truest strength comes when we remain faithful to supporting abroad what we stand for at home -- we don't fudge on democracy, we don't bend the rules for a favorite dictator . . . . We show our strength when we fight for democracy in Central America. But we don't do it by prolonging a conflict dangerous to our allies, when our clients are little better than our enemies. And we don't do it by funding the contras in Nicaragua." Dealing With the Soviets

"The Soviets remain a powerful and dangerous adversary. The values of their leaders have precious little in common with ours. But we must also come to realize that the terms of our competition -- a battle for the loyalties of large masses of people on this earth -- are distinctly to our advantage . . . .

"The vital task of our next president will be to bring the Soviets to the bargaining table and to keep them there until we have agreement. We need a comprehensive test ban because you can't deploy a new weapon if you never get to test it. We need a 50 percent cut in offensive weapons because it is long past time for a treaty which reduces nuclear weapons instead of ratifying an increase. And we need a mutual moratorium on 'Star Wars' because you don't stop one arms race by starting another." Children

"What are my priorities? First: children. In the greatest nation on Earth, one in four American children lives in poverty . . . .

"Every child in poverty should be eligible for Medicaid. Right now 8 million aren't. Will it cost money to include them? Sure it will. And I'm here to tell you it is worth it. Another priority is education. We need a new emphasis on performance -- on measurable progress by our children. And there's no doubt about it -- that will cost money, too. I would go to every statehouse and propose a fair exchange. The federal government would take on the burden of funding for Medicaid. And the states would take their savings and apply them to the schools.

"What about child care? I believe we need a national child-care voucher funded cooperatively with every state. Every parent who works should have a decent choice of child care and every family that needs it should have a voucher to help make that care affordable." Paying for It

"Being serious about choices means being honest and direct about both the additions and the difficult subtractions of federal budgeting . . . . Government can't do everything for everybody.

"Do we really need to give a mortage interest deduction to mansions and vacation homes? Do we really need to pay subsidies to corporate megafarms? Do we really need grants to subsidize projects that no mayor or governor would raise taxes to finance? Do we really need three new generations of nuclear missiles -- all at once? Do the Vanderbilts and the Mellons really need just the same tax-exempt Social Security benefit as a widow in a cold-water flat?

"I say we don't need those things. And an America in charge of its budget would put its money where it really matters."