Following is a transcript of remarks by Sen. Daniel K. Inouye (D-Hawaii), at the close of Lt. Col. Oliver L. North's session before the congressional Iran-contra committees.From the beginning of the history of mankind, organized societies, whether they be tribes or clans or nations, have nurtured and created heroes, because heroes are necessary. They serve as a cement to unite people, to bring unity in that nation. It provides glory to their history, it provides legends.

We have many heroes. This hearing is being held in Washington, the city of heroes, the city of monuments. We have hundreds of monuments in this city. In the Capitol, in Statuary Hall, each state has honored two of their heroes or heroines. The State of Hawaii honors King Kamehameha, the warrior king, and Father Damien, who is soon to become a saint.

And if you step on the west steps . . . and look down the majestic Mall, you will see the monument of George Washington, very majestic. I remember as a child, long before I heard of the Revolutionary War, that one day George Washington was confronted by his father, who asked, "Who cut the cherry tree?" And little George answered, "Father, I cannot lie, I cut the cherry tree." It was an important lesson to all little children, and I believe it still is a very important lesson.

Then if you go further down you'll see the Lincoln Memorial, where we honor a great president for the courage he demonstrated in upholding the brotherhood of men. It wasn't easy during those days.

Then you have Arlington, a sacred place. Men you served with and men I served with used that as their final resting place, all heroes. Then you have Lee's mansion. This was the home of the great gentleman from Virginia. We honor him today for his great demonstration of loyalty and patriotism.

And as we get back to the Lincoln Memorial nearby, we see this new and exciting monument: one to your fellow combat men, the Vietnam Memorial.

I believe during the past week we have participated in creating and developing very likely a new American hero.

Like you, as one who has felt the burning sting of bullet and shrapnel, and heard the unforgettable and frightening sounds of incoming shells, I salute you, sir, as a fellow combat man. And the rows of ribbons that you have on your chest will forever remind us of your courageous service and your willingness, your patriotic willingness, to risk your life and your limb. I'm certain the life and the burdens of a hero will be difficult and heavy. And so, with all sincerity, I wish you well as you begin your journey into a new life.

However, as an interested observer and as one who has participated in the making of this new American hero, I've found certain aspects of your testimony to be most troubling -- Chairman Hamilton has most eloquently discussed them -- because as a result of your very gallant presence and your articulate statements, your life, I'm certain, will be emulated by many, many young Americans.

I'm certain we will all of us receive an abundance of requests from young citizens throughout the land for entrance into the privileged ranks of cadets of the military services. These young citizens, having been imbued with the passion of patriotism, will do so. And to these young men and women, I wish to address a few words.

In 1964, when Col. North was a cadet, he took an oath of office, like all . . . throughout the service academies. And he also said that he will abide with the regulations which set forth the cadet honor concept.

The first honor concept -- first, because it's so important, over and above all others -- is a very simple one: a member of the brigade does not lie, cheat or steal.

And in this regulation of 1964, the word "lie" was defined as follows, quote: "A deliberate oral or written untruth; it may be an oral statement which is known to be false or a simple response to a question in which the answer is known to be false."

The words, "mislead" or "deceive," were defined as follows: "A deliberate misrepresentation of a true situation by being untruthful or withholding or omitting or subtly wording information in such a way as to leave an erroneous or false impression of the known true situation."

And when the colonel put on his uniform and the bars of a second lieutenant, he was well aware that he was subject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice. It's a special code of laws that apply to our men and women in uniform. It's a code that has been applicable to the conduct and activities of Col. North throughout his military career, and even at this moment. And that code makes it abundantly clear that orders of a superior officer must be obeyed by subordinate members, but it is lawful orders.

The Uniform Code makes it abundantly clear that it must be the lawful orders of a superior officer. In fact, it says, members of the military have an obligation to disobey unlawful orders. This principle was considered so important, that we -- we the government of the United States -- proposed that it be internationally applied, in the Nuremberg trials. And so, in the Nuremberg trials, we said that the fact that the defendant --

Brendan V. Sullivan Jr., North's attorney, interrupted:

Sullivan: Mr. Chairman. May I please register an objection?

Inouye: May I continue my statement?

Sullivan: I find this offensive. I find you engaging in a personal attack on Col. North, and you're far removed from the issues of this case. To make reference to the Nuremberg trials, I find personally and professionally distasteful, and I can no longer sit here and listen to this.

Inouye: You will have to sit there, if you want to listen.

Sullivan: Mr. Chairman, please don't conclude these hearings on this unfair note. I have strong objections to many things in the hearings, and you up there speak about listening to the American people. Why don't you listen to the American people and what they've said as a result {Inouye bangs the gavel} of the last week. There are 20,000 telegrams in our room outside the corridor here that came in this morning. The American people --

Inouye: I'm sure that there are.

Sullivan: The American people have spoken, and please stop this personal attack against Col. North.

Inouye: I have sat here, listened to the colonel, without interrupting. I hope you will accord me the courtesy of saying my piece.

Sullivan: Sir, you may give speeches on the issues, it seems to me. You may ask questions, but you may not attack him personally. This has gone too far, in my opinion, with all due respect.

Inouye: I'm not attacking him personally.

Sullivan: That's the way I hear it, sir.

Inouye: Col. North, I'm certain it must have been painful for you, as you stated, to testify that you lied to senior officials of our government, that you lied and misled our Congress. And believe me, it was painful for all of us to sit here and listen to that testimony. It was painful. It was equally painful to learn from your testimony that you lied and misled because of what you believed to be a just cause -- support of Nicaragua's freedom fighters, the contras.

You have eloquently articulated your opposition to Marxism and communism, and I believe that all of us . . . on this panel are equally opposed to Marxism and communism. But should we, in the defense of democracy, adopt and embrace one of the most important tenets of communism and Marxism: the ends justify the means?

This is not one of the commandments of democracy. Our government is not a government of men. It is still a government of laws. And finally, to those thousands upon thousands of citizens who have called, sent telegrams, written letters, I wish to thank all of you most sincerely and commend you for your demonstrated interest in the well-being of our government, of our freedoms and our democracy. Your support or opposition of what is happening in this room is important, important because it dramatically demonstrates the strength of this democracy.

We Americans are confident in our strength to openly and without fear put into action one of the important teachings of our greatest Founding Fathers, Thomas Jefferson, who spoke of the right to dissent, the right to criticize the leaders of this government, and he said, "The spirit of resistance to government is so valuable on certain occasions that I wish it to be always kept alive. It will often be exercised when wrong, but better so than not be exercised at all."

Unlike communism, in a democracy such as ours, we are not afraid to wash our dirty linen in public. We're not afraid to let the world know that we do have failures and we do have shortcomings. . . .

We permit all to film and record our space flights. We don't, after the fact, let the world know only of our successes. And I think we should recall that we did not prohibit any member of the world press to film and record one of the bloodiest chapters of our domestic history, the demonstration and riots in the civil rights period.

This was not easy to let the world know that we had police dogs and police officers with whips and clubs denying fellow citizens their rights. But I've always felt that, as long as we daily reaffirm our belief in and support of our Constitution and the great principles of freedom that were long ago enunciated by our Founding Fathers, we'll continue to prevail and flourish.

I'd like to make one make more closing remark. Throughout the past 10 days, many of my colleagues on this panel, in opening their questions to the colonel, prefaced their remarks by saying, "Colonel, I'm certain you know that I voted for aid to the contras." Ladies and gentlemen and Col. North, I voted against aid to the contras. I did so not as a communist. I did so not as an agent of the KGB. I did so upon information that I gathered as a member of the bipartisan commission on Central America, based upon information that I gathered as chairman of the Foreign Operations Committee, based upon information that I gathered as a senior member of the defense subcommittee, and based upon information that I gathered as chairman and member of the Senate Intelligence Committee.

I voted against aid to the contras. It wasn't easy to vote against your commander in chief. It's not easy to stand before my colleagues and find {myself} in disagreement, but that is the nature of democracy. I did so because I was firmly convinced that to follow the path or the course that was laid down by the Reagan proposal . . . would certainly and inevitably lead to a point where young men and women of the United States would have to be sent into the conflict.

And, colonel, I am certain, having experienced warfare, that is not what we want our young people to go through again. You have lost many friends, and their names now are engraved on the black marble. I have lost many friends who are buried throughout this land.

I know that the path of diplomacy is frustrating, at times angering. But I would think that we should give it a chance, if it means that, with some patience, we could save even one life. So that is why I wish my colleagues to know that I voted against aid to the Nicaraguan freedom fighters.

This has been a long day. I know that all of us are desirous of a rest. Col. North, with all sincerity, I thank you for your assistance these past six days. You have been most cordial, and your presence should make your fellow officers very proud of the way you have presented yourself. And to your lady, I wish her the best. She has sat there throughout these days with patience and grace. You have a fine lady.