House Speaker Jim Wright (D-Tex.) has received almost $55,000 over the past two years as "royalties" on a book he wrote that was published by a longtime friend whose printing company was paid $265,000 for services to Wright's campaign committee last year.

According to Wright, he receives $3.25 for every copy of the $5.95 paperback book, "Reflections of a Public Man," sold by Fort Worth printer Carlos Moore. This is a 55 percent royalty, which is more than five times an author's standard royalty, and exceeds the 40 percent royalties usually paid to authors who finance the publication of their own works. Moore paid for the publication of Wright's volume.

Moore is one of two Fort Worth friends with whom the speaker has earned substantial outside income. The speaker also received more than $30,000 in dividends and loans last year from a small investment company he and his wife Betty own with Fort Worth developer George A. Mallick and his wife.

The Wright-Mallick relationship has made news in Fort Worth this year because of Mallick's involvement in a plan to redevelop the city's historic Stockyards area into an entertainment center and tourist attraction. Wright has written more than $30 million in appropriations for the stockyards project into federal spending bills in the last two years though the money was never specifically requested by the city of Fort Worth or by the federal agencies involved.

Mallick and others planned to borrow nearly $12 million of those federal funds from the city of Fort Worth to help finance the redevelopment plan, which also depended on raising $100 million in private financing. Mallick said in an interview that he has dropped out of the project because he couldn't find private investors who would put up the $100 million.

Wright said he had helped the Fort Worth Stockyards project to assist his home town, not for any financial gain. He said the book publishing arrangement was suggested by Moore, an old friend whose printing company has done work for Wright for many years, and was profitable for both of them.

The book royalties Wright has received are legal outside earnings for a member of the House. Under a loophole in House ethics rules that Wright suggested in 1977, royalties do not count toward the limit on outside earned income.

Wright, who represents Fort Worth in Congress and is paid about $108,000 a year as speaker, lists the income from his dealings with Moore and Mallick on his financial disclosure reports as required. He declined to provide documentation showing how the payments were earned.

After being queried by The Washington Post, Wright said in a letter that he is going to amend his latest financial disclosure statement to provide more information about the underlying assets of Mallightco, the company he and Mallick own with their wives. House ethics rules require disclosure of a closely held investment company's holdings. Until now Wright said, "I have never considered it a requirement."

Wright sent three letters to The Post over the past week, answering some of a series of written questions about his relationships with Moore and Mallick. He declined to give a personal interview, citing his schedule, and in his three letters did not answer many of the questions posed by a reporter.

Moore said in a recent interview that there was no connection between the $265,000 Wright's campaign committee paid Moore and the money Moore paid Wright in book royalties.

Wright said his efforts in steering federal money to the Stockyards dates back several years and is "wholly unrelated" to his business partner Mallick's recent attempt to join the project. If Mallick and Billy Bob Barnett, whose companies control much of the Stockyards area, had made a profit, Wright said, it "would not have enriched me financially in any way."

He said, "My interest {in the Stockyards project} is vicarious -- civic rather than financial."

Mallick said of the Stockyards yesterday, "I have never profited from my friendship with Jim Wright and I didn't do it in this case."

The Wrights and Mallicks have several other connections, which, like the Stockyards controversy, have been reported on extensively by the Fort Worth Star-Telegram. For several years the Wrights have stayed in a Fort Worth condominium Mallick owns without paying monthly rent. Wright does pay $21 "per diem" for the days he occupies the apartment.

Wright said Mallick "suggested the agreement and believes it is advantageous to him in that he is holding this and other similar properties for investment purposes and does not hold any of them out to rent to the public."

Ordinarily, investors rent out condominiums they have purchased so the income can help pay the mortgage. Mallick said the apartments are appreciating in value and he doesn't rent them because he wanted to avoid "wear and tear."

The two men also have been partners in oil and gas investments. One of Mallick's firms paid a $1,500-a-month salary to Betty Wright, and Mallick helped advise Wright about the state's savings and loan crisis.

Moore, the publisher of Wright's latest book, a 117-page volume of anecdotes and speech excerpts that first appeared in 1984, was one of the speaker's original political supporters in the 1950s. Last year his company was paid more than $265,000 by Wright's campaign committee for work ranging from printing bumper stickers to checking voter lists and setting up telephone banks.

In an interview, Moore declined to discuss his financial arrangement with Wright on the book, but said it was unrelated to campaign work he has done for Wright for several years. Wright's is the only book Moore has published for public sale.

The speaker's financial disclosure statements show he received from $15,000 to $50,000 (only a range of income has to be listed) in royalties on the book in each of the past two years. It has been reported that the book earned Wright $28,500 in 1985 and he said in a letter Monday that he was paid an additional $26,142 last year.

Wright said in his written reply that he recalled that some 20,000 copies of the book were printed and most had been sold. His royalty proceeds would indicate that almost 17,000 copies have been sold.

"Apparently sales are still fairly brisk," Wright said in one of his letters to The Post. "Only last week I was asked to autograph a fresh batch for one of the local bookstores in Fort Worth."

Brian Perkins, manager of Barber's bookstore in downtown Fort Worth, said yesterday that he has sold "around 100" copies of the book, and recently received a new shipment of copies autographed by the author. Four other bookstores in Fort Worth contacted this week do not stock the book. Moore said that most copies of the book have been sold at political rallies. Both Moore and Wright make more money on books sold that way.

Wright has written three earlier books for established publishers.

Wright declined to make public his royalty agreement with Moore.

In a second letter, Wright said he recalled that he received "something like $2 a copy from Coward-McCann on what I recollect to be a $5 book at the time. In any event, the royalty arrangement was suggested by Carlos Moore and he seems to feel he has made some money on the book."

The $2 a copy fee amounts to a 40 percent royalty, higher than the usual rate on a commercially printed book. Leon Friedman, a law professor at Hofstra University, said in a book on publishing contracts that normal royalties are 10 to 15 percent and that "an author who pays for the printing is entitled to a much higher amount, in the area of 40 percent," in royalties.

Moore said yesterday that he is making a profit on the book but would not say how much. Moore has been facing personal financial difficulties. He said he is still paying off a $148,713 civil tax lien filed by the Internal Revenue Service in 1981.

The lien stems from a 1975 conviction for income tax evasion. Prosecutors alleged in court that Moore had taken $90,000 from the Teamsters union political fund that he ran several years earlier, purportedly to make cash contributions to politicians. Moore pleaded guilty to one count. He denied he kept the money for himself but would not tell prosecutors who got it.

At the time of the conviction, Moore was Wright's staff designee on a federal commission on water quality and Wright wrote a letter to the sentencing judge, urging him not to send Moore to prison. Moore did serve a short prison term and then returned to Fort Worth to open his printing business.

Mallick also has known the speaker for more than 20 years. Like Wright, he declined to be interviewed in person. But he agreed last week to answer some written questions about his relationship with the speaker and Betty Wright.

Mallick said Betty Wright was paid as "a consultant for Mallick Properties from 1979 until 1981." In his House disclosure statements, however, Wright listed her as receiving income from the same firm for six years, not three, from 1978 through 1984. A question about Mallick's payments to Betty Wright was one of those the speaker declined to answer in his letters to The Post.

Mallick said the small investment company, Mallightco, a contraction of the names Mallick and Wright, was started in 1979, with Mallick and his wife and the Wrights each contributing about $60,000. Mallick said the company has invested in regional stocks, some real estate and once, in 1983, as a limited partner "in one lot of uncut gemstones" purchased through his son Christopher's business.

By the end of 1985, Mallightco had assets of about $221,000 -- a sizable increase from the original capital of $120,000. It also had liabilities of about $68,000, Mallick told the Fort Worth Star-Telegram.

The company's assets included some portion of $75,000 in loans the Mallicks and Wrights each borrowed from their company to finance investments in oil and gas. Wright and Mallick said oil holdings were collateral for the loans, that the interest rate was one point over the prime bank lending rate, and that interest and principal had been repaid in a timely fashion.

Mallick explained that on Mallightco's books, the loans to him and Wright were carried as assets. Banks also consider outstanding loans as assets for accounting purposes.

Wright said that in amending his 1986 financial disclosure statement in the ranges required by the House he would report that his share of Mallightco's holdings included the following: precious and semiprecious stones, $50,000 to $100,000; stocks and bonds and real estate near Orlando, Fla., $15,000 to $50,000 each; fixed assets, $5,000 to $15,000. That means the total value of his holdings is somewhere between $85,000 and $215,000.

In addition, his holdings include "notes receivable" from himself in the range of $15,000 to $50,000, suggesting that his original $75,000 loan is being paid off.

Wright would not say what specific investment produced the $15,000 to $50,000 dividend he reported from Mallightco or exactly how much it was.

Mallick said the firm could pay a dividend because its holdings are "totally separate" from his development ventures, which have been suffering like much of the economy of the southwest. A review of court and land records in New York and Fort Worth shows he and his businesses are the subject of several lawsuits and vendor liens.

Mallick said he had not discussed any of his personal financial problems with Wright. In the past few years, Mallick has sold an office tower he built in Fort Worth and two Park Avenue apartments he owned in New York. The remaining tower, where his office is located, has tenants on only two of the six floors and several liens by unpaid vendors are on file against the property.

In the past few months, court records also show that Mallick defaulted on a $120,000 loan made by a New York bank in 1983 for "the purchase of gems," that he sold a Park Avenue apartment for $485,000 to satisfy another borrower, and that his son Christopher defaulted on a $64,000 loan from a bank in New York.

Mallick said the New York loan for gems had nothing to do with Mallightco gem purchases the same year. He said in a telephone interview Friday: "My net worth is in excess of $1 million and I don't feel the lawsuits are that dramatic."

Mallick and Wright have been criticized for their role in the ailing Fort Worth Stockyards redevelopment project. More than half the 150-acre area north of downtown is controlled by Billy Bob Barnett, another Wright friend and political supporter.

Wright has earmarked more than $20 million in federal flood control funds and $11.8 million in Economic Development Administration (EDA) grants for the Stockyards project over the past two years.

Orson G. Swindle III, head of EDA, criticized Wright and other members who write local projects into legislation. He said in a speech in Fort Worth in June that Stockyards developers didn't know what they wanted to do with the money. He added in a recent interview that Fort Worth would not have qualified for the funds in a competitive runoff with poorer localities.

Wright said Swindle's concerns were "singularly unimpressive" because the Reagan administration has been trying to abolish the EDA.

In one letter to The Post, Wright said that he has been a longtime supporter of developing the Stockyards. "My primary interest . . . is in promoting the economic development of the area and in protecting what we consider to be an historic treasure of both local and national importance.

"Never at any time have I had any financial interest directly or indirectly in any business of any sort located anywhere in the region of the Stockyards."

He attached a September 1985 letter from Mayor Bob Bolen requesting the "continued involvement of the federal government." Wright said the letter disproved a charge, made by Swindle, that the city did not request or know what to do with the federal aid.

City documents suggest the impetus for the funding did not come from the city, but from one of Barnett's companies, the Triad Corp. A January 1986 memo -- written shortly after Wright had earmarked $4.3 million in EDA grants for the Stockyards -- said "the inclusion of this allocation is the direct result of the efforts of Triad Corp. working closely with Congressman Jim Wright's office." Bob Terrell, the assistant city manager who wrote the memo, said Monday that Bill Beuck, one of the Stockyards' partners, told him of the company's working directly with Wright's office.

Beuck could not be reached for comment. Barnett said in a telephone interview he hired a Washington lobbyist to try to get federal funds.

Wright inserted a provision setting aside $7.5 million in EDA funds for the project last fall and since then the city government has been trying to design a plan for using the money that is acceptable to the EDA.

City council member Russell Lancaster has said the federal money gives "the appearance, if not the reality, of being a bailout" for Barnett and other developers.

Last spring the city council set up a corporation to accept the EDA funds, with the idea of lending the money to a new group headed by Mallick and Barnett. Two weeks ago, the council proposed using the money to buy two of Barnett's buildings, but EDA officials weren't enthusiastic, city officials said.Special correspondent John Kennedy in New York contributed to this report.