TALLAHASSEE, FLA., OCT. 8 -- The trail of Republican dissension running from Iowa through Michigan down to South Carolina left by the continuing struggle between Vice President Bush and Marion G. (Pat) Robertson has reached this key Sun Belt state, where a fight over a Nov. 13-14 straw poll has provoked charges of deceit and rules-fixing.

The Florida straw poll -- a party activity with no connection to the selection of delegates to the 1988 Republican National Convention -- reflects, nonetheless, the divisive, internal GOP squabbles emerging in the early stages of the 1988 presidential nomination contest.

These disputes have the potential of opening wounds in the fragile GOP coalition pieced together during the 1980 and 1984 Reagan campaigns by pitting newly mobilized fundamentalist and charismatic Christians aligned with Robertson against party regulars largely committed to Bush. Another variation of this Robertson-Bush political warfare appears likely to emerge at a meeting of the Louisiana GOP central committee this weekend.

These Bush-Robertson fights in the party have taken on a certain bizarre quality for a number of reasons:They pit Bush, the GOP's front-runner, against a candidate whose negative ratings far exceed his positive ratings in public polls. Here in Florida, for example, the latest Atlanta Constitution poll shows Bush with 44 percent of the GOP vote, while his only serious challenger in the straw ballot contest, Robertson, has negative ratings of 77 percent, the highest of any candidate and Robertson's highest in any southern state. With the exception of Michigan, and perhaps Louisiana, the fights are taking place over straw polls and internal state power struggles in the GOP, none of which has any direct bearing on the national delegate selection process. In a number of states, the Robertson-Bush fights have left Republican blood on the floor. At least three of the disputes have ended up in the courts, and in South Carolina and Michigan hostilities between Christians and GOP regulars have become so intense that they are certain to carry over into the 1988 general election campaign.

In Michigan, where the stakes -- 77 national convention delegates -- are real and public attention has been great, a state Republican Party that was once a GOP showcase has become a study in internecine warfare.

A year ago, Robertson forces, aligned with supporters of Rep. Jack Kemp (R-N.Y.), essentially held off the Bush campaign in early caucus organizing. Eventually, the Robertson-Kemp coalition took over the state party structure, which sets the rules for national delegates. Bush is in court challenging this and the once-dominant pro-Bush moderate wing of the party has been crushed. Out-of-power party regulars live in fear that Spencer Abraham, the state party's respected chairman, will resign and be replaced by a Robertson-aligned chairman.

While it is only a symbolic test of organizational strength, the Florida straw poll is being treated seriously by some of the candidates because in 1979 it was widely viewed as a GOP turning point when John B. Connally tried to use it to show his prowess and lost badly. Bush was taken more seriously after the event; then-Sen. Howard H. Baker Jr. (R-Tenn.) less.

This year, however, both Sen. Robert J. Dole (R-Kan.) and Kemp have opted out of the contest, charging that the rules have been fixed to help Bush.

"The whole system has been rigged for Bush," said Charles Black, Kemp's campaign manager. He cited new restrictions and complexities that he said favor well-financed campaigns with strong party support, such as Bush's. In addition, the percentage of participants automatically selected from the party leadership and from major financial donors -- two cores of Bush support -- has been doubled from 20 percent in 1979 to 40 percent at this year's convention in Orlando, where the poll will be taken.

Mac Stipanovich, chief of staff to Republican Gov. Bob Martinez and a key Bush strategist, countered: "If we had cooked the rules, we would have done it better than to allow him {Robertson} to have 35 percent," the level of support Stipanovich believes Robertson will get in the straw poll.

As in some other states, the Kemp and Dole forces in Florida appear likely to quietly support Robertson in an effort to embarrass Bush, the front-runner.

David Zachem, the leader of the Robertson campaign in Florida, is charging that the pro-Bush party leadership has not only set up pro-Bush rules but also that the presumably neutral organizers of the straw poll are secretly supplying the Bush campaign with lists of delegates to the Orlando convention and secretly disqualifying pro-Robertson delegates selected during a series of August gatherings of county parties.

To support his contention, Zachem said that while the state Republican Party has refused to release to him names of delegates, he has independently acquired a secret copy of the party list for Broward County that shows 13 Robertson delegates deleted. While party officials said that no lists have been provided to the Bush campaign, Zachem said Bush sent out a mailing to all the Broward County delegates, except for the 13 he said were deleted. "If they {the Bush campaign} haven't got the list, the mailing is the most miraculous thing I've ever seen; it's up there with the parting of the Red Sea," Zachem said.

Bush spokesmen adamantly denied having access to any nonpublic lists, contending that they made their own lists based on county party meetings. The failure to send mailings to the Broward County residents cited by Zachem, they said, could have resulted from failures to get those names during the hurried delegate selection process at the August county meetings.

About 2,500 delegates will be eligible to vote in the Orlando straw ballot, of whom about 1,500, or 60 percent, were choosen in a complex process starting back in mid-June and ending in August. In this phase, according to local press reports, the Robertson forces did as well, and perhaps better, than the Bush organization.

However, the remaining 1,000 -- or 40 percent -- of the delegates were choosen either automatically, as in the case of party donors of $5,000 and public and party officials, or by the leadership of the county party organizations producing a pool that should highly favor Bush.

In Louisiana this weekend, the state central committee must choose between two delegate selection plans. The Robertson plan would create a series of congressional district and statewide caucuses at which the state's delegates to the 1988 national convention would be selected before the March 8 Louisiana primary. These delegates would be uncommitted to any candidate unless someone won at least 50 percent of the vote in the March 8 primary.

Bush forces noted that this plan would give Robertson a chance to effectively win the fight over delegates in a caucus process, a process at which Robertson has excelled before any test of the Republican electorate at large had taken place. Bush supports selection of delegates by vote in the primary.