The Senate, in an extraordinary outpouring of foreign policy-making by amendment, sought last week to remake the world to its liking from Eastern Europe to the Middle East to Tibet, from the PLO office in New York to the Soviet Embassy here.

Laboring for four days on the State Department authorization bill, the Senate passed 86 amendments involving foreign relations, some of them highly controversial and many adopted in only a minute or two without committee consideration or executive branch reports on their probable consequences.

Some of the amendments would require the United States to violate or ignore agreements with foreign governments or the United Nations. Senate observers expressed doubt that many of the amendments will survive the entire legislative process.

As the "world's greatest deliberative body" engaged in legislative globe-trotting, Sen. John C. Danforth (R-Mo.) protested that the Senate is determined to speak out on "everything that happens, anywhere in the world."

He added, "We are in a cacophony of confusion. I submit that no reasonable person anywhere in the world can predict how the United States stands on any foreign policy issue."

Sen. Daniel J. Evans (R-Wash.) charged that the legislative process had degenerated to "reading yesterday's headlines so that we can write today's amendments so that we can garner tomorrow's headlines."

As if to validate that charge, the Senate Press Gallery blossomed with news releases from senators hailing their triumphs in putting their foreign policy ideas into law with floor amendments.

The senatorial frolic on the State Department bill followed a five-month fight over the Defense Department authorization bill. During that fight, Democrats finally prevailed with two major arms-control provisions: to forbid U.S. violation of the unratified 1979 SALT II arms treaty and of the narrow interpretation of the 1972 Antiballistic Missile Treaty.

President Reagan has threatened a veto if these provisions reach his desk.

The State Department bill was fair game for Republicans, some of whom argued that the Democrats had their day on the defense measure.

Fifty of the State Department amendments were drafted by Republicans, compared with 27 by Democrats and nine with bipartisan sponsorship. But Sen. Dale Bumpers (D-Ark.), who led the fights on war powers and SALT II on the defense bill, contended that those addressed broad policy questions of "macromanagement" compared to the "micromanagement" of the State Department amendments.

"Both parties are going in for a degree of micromanaging," said Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Claiborne Pell (D-R.I.). "Whether it's good or bad depends on what you think the administration is doing."

Sen. Jesse Helms (N.C.), ranking Republican on Foreign Relations and author of many amendments, said he was proud that "we adopted 26 amendments in one hour -- quite some sausage-making."

Helms said the action was "a measure of broad discontent among senators with the State Department." He added, "We're not supposed to be a bunch of eunuchs in foreign policy, and I won't be."

Among other things, the Senate adopted:In six minutes, an amendment by Steve Symms (R-Idaho) voiding the 1969 and 1972 U.S.-Soviet Embassy site agreements under which the new Soviet Embassy on Mount Alto has been built and requiring negotiations for a new embassy site on lower ground.

The Symms amendment had been attached to the defense bill and, in another form, is on the House version of the State Department bill.

A State Department official said such actions would bring parallel Soviet action against the U.S. Embassy in Moscow that would "destroy our capability to operate there" from either the existing embassy or the newly built one. In 35 minutes, an amendment by Charles E. Grassley (R-Iowa) forcing closure of the Palestine Liberation Organization offices under U.N. aegis in New York and the similar information office here.

The State Department recently ordered the office here closed but found that the New York office is protected by the headquarters agreement with the United States under which the United Nations operates. In 10 minutes, an amendment by William V. Roth Jr. (R-Del.) and Robert J. Dole (R-Kan.) requiring imposition of the same strict travel restrictions on Eastern European and Cuban diplomats in this country as apply to Soviet diplomats.

The State Department said current restrictions on these diplomats were drawn up in line with their countries' restrictions on U.S. diplomats, who would lose much of their ability to travel if the amendment were implemented. In one minute, a Helms amendment requiring that the U.S. Embassy in Antigua be closed and its functions handled by the U.S. Embassy in Barbados.

Sources said this arose from the personal crusade of Thomas H. Anderson, staff chief for Rep. Trent Lott (R-Miss.). Anderson was the politically appointed U.S. ambassador to Barbados from 1984 to 1986 and often clashed with staff of the Antigua embassy, which he also nominally headed then. In 10 minutes, an amendment by Sen. Pete Wilson (R-Calif.) objecting to Soviet participation in the proposed Middle East peace conference until the Kremlin reestablishes diplomatic relations with Israel and gives visas to more Soviet Jews. In 31 minutes, an amendment by Sen. Malcolm Wallop (R-Wyo.) demanding that the Soviet Union issue a "public and immediate apology" for recent ballistic-missile tests near Hawaii. In 22 minutes, a Pell-Helms amendment condemning Chinese government actions in Tibet and requiring the president to certify that China is "acting in good faith . . . to resolve human rights issues there" as part of any proposed arms sale to China submitted to Congress.

While slashing the State Department budget so heavily that 1,270 jobs may be abolished in the biggest layoff in the department's history, Senate amendments created a new position of undersecretary for security, construction and foreign missions, a new ambassadorship-at-large for Afghanistan, mandated a host of extensive reporting requirements and ordered daily Voice of America broadcasts in Slovenian.

A Senate aide said a substantial cause of the situation is weakened Foreign Relations Committee leadership and the "100 barons phenomenon" under which all senators want to be seen as directing U.S. policy.

"It has come to be an accepted part of the game that amendments are passed and press releases claiming credit are issued, with the understanding that most of these items will be tossed in the wastebasket when the bill goes to conference with the House," the aide said.

Sen. Richard G. Lugar (R-Ind.), former chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee who was ousted as ranking Republican by Helms, said another factor was that "Jesse {Helms} doesn't like the State Department, and he had a field day."