Michael S. Dukakis is not getting a lot of help from fellow Democratic governors as he heads into the biggest day of the primary season.

At a time in the presidential campaign when his main rivals, Rep. Richard A. Gephardt (Mo.), Jesse L. Jackson and Sen. Albert Gore Jr. (Tenn.), are counting on networks of "natural" supporters to help them in the vast, 20-state playing field of "Super Tuesday" primaries and caucuses on March 8, the Massachusetts governor has exactly one of his 25 Democratic colleagues in his corner.

"The women Democratic governors are unanimous for him," quipped Vermont Gov. Madeleine Kunin, the only woman among the Democratic governors.

Kunin will soon have company as a Dukakis supporter. During the meeting of the National Governors Association that concluded here yesterday, Dukakis received assurances of an endorsement from Washington Gov. Booth Gardner when he visits that state before its March 8 caucuses.

But that will only put him even with Gore, who has the endorsement of Gov. Ned Ray McWherter of Tennessee, his home state, and Kentucky Gov. Wallace G. Wilkinson. During the past week, Dukakis has pressed for support from Arkansas Gov. Bill Clinton, popular chairman of the governors' association, and from New York Gov. Mario M. Cuomo, whose name is regarded as the Olympic gold medal in the endorsement game. Both said no -- for now.

Endorsements are rarely of great significance in presidential nominating politics, but a governor who turns on his political machinery for his candidate can be a key, as Cuomo demonstrated to the benefit of former vice president Walter F. Mondale in 1984.

Vice President Bush was helped greatly by the organization New Hampshire Gov. John Sununu (R) put at his disposal in last week's victory over Sen. Robert J. Dole (R-Kan.). South Carolina Gov. Carroll A. Campbell Jr., could play a similarly crucial role in Bush's hopes for the March 5 primary in that state. And Bush is relying heavily on the GOP governors in Maine, Florida, Texas, Illinois and Wisconsin, among others, in forthcoming contests. Bush has a total of 12 gubernatorial endorsements.

Charles T. Dolan, Jr., executive director of the Democratic Governors Association, said Dukakis is, in part, "a victim of history." In 1984, he pointed out, many governors made early commitments to Sen. John Glenn (D-Ohio) or to Mondale and "were beaten in their own states" by then-Sen. Gary Hart (D-Colo.) or Jackson.

Ohio Gov. Richard F. Celeste, who backed Glenn and then Mondale in 1984 only to see Hart win the Ohio primary, said, "A lot of us moved ahead of our own supporters last time, so there's an inclination to lay back this time."

Celeste and a number of others regarded as potential Dukakis allies indicated that they are inclined to make a public choice after Super Tuesday, presuming Dukakis avoids a shellacking that day. "I told Mike {Dukakis} he's got to show he can get votes in the South before most of us in the West will be ready to make a choice," said Idaho Gov. Cecil Andrus.

Cuomo took a similar stance yesterday. "Super Tuesday will tell us a lot," he said, adding that he hopes to make an endorsement before his state's April 19 primary.

The problem for Dukakis is that the silence of his gubernatorial colleagues gives an edge to rivals whose own allies are not nearly as reticent.

Gephardt has the public support of 80 House members, almost half of them in states that are voting on Super Tuesday. Jackson has enlisted most black mayors and elected officials in his campaign. And Gore has captured more of the southern Democratic legislative leaders, who created Super Tuesday, than anyone else. He is also piling up endorsements from Senate colleagues in Super Tuesday states from North Carolina and Alabama out to Nevada.

Clinton, the progressive Arkansan who toyed with running for president, is the person Dukakis hoped would be his ambassador to the South, but so far Clinton has withstood heavy pressure from Boston.

"My relationship with Michael has been good and close. And I've made sure my people know I think he'd do a good job" as president, Clinton said in an interview. "But I just don't know if I want to get involved."

Dukakis aides say they suspect that home-state political considerations are "freezing" Clinton, but Clinton said his indecision also has something to do with Dukakis' message.

Clinton said he believes that Gephardt won in Iowa not simply because of his strong trade stand but because "he had a coherent message. . . that addressed more sharply than anyone else" what the Arkansas governor considers the main Democratic issue for 1988: the decline in real incomes many families have experienced in the past decade. Dukakis, he said, "doesn't have to adopt Gephardt's solution, but he's got to address that problem."

Gephardt's call for retaliatory trade action is a sticking-point for many governors. It is a major consideration in the decision by Gardner to support Dukakis in Washington, a state that lives off exports of grain and airplanes. But the message has appeal in other states from Alaska to Michigan, their governors say.