Mr. President, Mrs. Bush, ladies and gentlemen, comrades. We have completed the second full day of talks. But I wouldn't like to sum things up. This meeting is only a stage, though a major one, in the gigantic and forward-looking project of perestroika in Soviet-American relations.

We are going to have at least two more meetings with President Bush this year alone, one at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, where I hope a treaty reducing conventional arms in Europe will be signed, and the other to sign a treaty reducing strategic offensive arms.

I believe that the agenda for 1990 that we approved at Malta can be implemented. We may reach greater heights in building a new Soviet-American relationship only by setting our sights higher and higher while abandoning all that was nurtured by the ideology and geopolitics of the Cold War.

In assessing the outcome of our talks, I believe I can say that they have demonstrated a growing mutual understanding between the U.S.S.R. and the United States, which means progress in sustaining the profound and positive changes underway in the world.

In this regard, our in-depth discussion of the problems and prospects of the European process was no doubt a useful one. It has served to clarify views and positions, and brought in new arguments for consideration and exploration of acceptable solutions.

It is quite natural that we focused on the external aspects of German unification. As we see it, two processes should be completed: that of the final postwar settlement, and that related to the internal issues of transforming the two parts of Germany into a single state.

We believe that those two processes form the substance of the period of transition which, when completed, will result in the cancellation of the rights of the four victorious powers -- the rights which, incidentally, stem from the outcome of the war and not from the division of Germany. The transition will end in the emergence of a new sovereign state.

At the same time, we believe that the discussion is not over, that it continues. And there may be more than one approach. We have to consider all of them together, including our allies.

What is acceptable in the final analysis is only a jointly developed approach which would not prejudice anybody's interests or erode the overall process of positive changes in Europe and in the world.

Those changes are the principal achievements of recent years and the main product of growing trust between us and of the growing awareness that our civilization is one.

A very important result of this summit is the agreements we have signed today and the official statements we have made. They demonstrate that our joint policy of moving from constructive understanding to constructive interaction is bearing fruit.

There is no doubt that this has been made possible, and I would say that what happened today is a confirmation of what I'm going to say. This has been made possible only in the environment produced by our meeting with President George Bush at Malta.

The Soviet Union and the United States had to conduct a major -- and, I would say, courageous -- reassessment of how they viewed each other and the world. They had to realize that our mutual isolation was an anomaly and that human civilization is indivisible.

Therefore, it is quite logical that the agreements we have signed reflect our common readiness to attain greater interdependence through people-to-people cooperation in vitally important areas and through reinforcing the legal framework of Soviet-American relations.

The package of our new agreements also reflects the special role the Soviet Union and the United States play in building bridges of understanding and trust between the East and the West.

In particular, I would like to call your attention to the agreement on trade.

This agreement takes on special relevance, since it has been concluded at a time of a dramatic change of direction in the Soviet economy which is crucial for the future of perestroika.

I am convinced that the Soviet people will appreciate the fact that the United States, the president of the United States, is signing this agreement to normalize Soviet-American commercial relations at this moment of special importance for our country.

Now that we have recorded the progress we have made and laid down guidelines for the future, I would like to express the hope that the ship of Soviet-American relations will continue to sail on this course.

It is clear that there are still some disagreements between us as to the optimal structure of our relationship. But this area of disagreement has been narrowed, while the area of trust, agreement and cooperation is expanding.

An indication of the sincerity and seriousness of our country's intentions is that we have started a difficult process of revising what appeared to be eternal concepts of the role of military power in safeguarding national security.

In taking a radically different approach to security, we should not forget people who were ahead of their time. Andrei Sakharov was one of them. One of the fathers of nuclear superweapons, Sakharov had the courage of his convictions to uphold to the end that force could no longer play a role in relations among states. Sakharov taught us another lesson, too: One should not fear dogma nor be afraid of appearing naive.

Political decisions that truly meet people's best interests should be based on the realities of life, not on contrived schemes.

Today our society is going through a complex and sometimes dramatic but promising process of perestroika on a democratic and humane basis, with full respect for human rights and freedoms.

Perestroika is also a contribution to building a new world, for we are searching for answers to the questions that confront, in one way or another, with greater or lesser intensity, all nations and, indeed, the whole {of} mankind.

We believe that once we are clear of the thorns on this path we have chosen, we shall not only reach new frontiers in our country's history but also help to build a new civilization of peace. We are ready to do that together with the United States of America.

I would like to propose a toast to a future of peace for the Soviet and the American people and for all nations on Earth, to idealism and the idealists, to the health of the president of the United States of America, Mr. George Bush and Barbara Bush, to the health and well-being of all present here, to the happiness of our children and grandchildren.