In addition to savings and loan executive Charles H. Keating Jr., the chief fund-raiser for Sen. Alan Cranston (D-Calif.) acted as a go-between for four other campaign supporters seeking help from the senator in early 1987, according to documents and interviews.

A Jan. 2, 1987, "confidential" memo that the fund-raiser, Joy Jacobson, wrote to Cranston said the senator's office was helping Long Beach, Calif., developer Michael Choppin obtain a U.S. Customs Service office lease and Brooklyn, N.Y., Rabbi Milton Balkany get selected to give the invocation at the bicentennial of the Continental Congress in Philadelphia.

Washington developer Joe Kaempfer had already met with a Cranston aide to suggest changing the language in a Cranston bill that he feared would stop him from completing a Rosslyn building project, the memo said. And Anaheim, Calif., defense contractor John Morse was concerned his firm might lose a Navy contract to a larger company.

Keating and the four others, who raised about $175,000 for Cranston's 1986 campaign, "rightfully expect some kind of resolution" of their pending cases, Jacobson wrote. She is scheduled to testify this week in the ongoing Senate ethics investigation of Keating's relationship with Cranston and four other senators. The memo, part of the evidence gathered in the inquiry, illustrates Cranston's practice of making sure he was aware of the favors fund-raisers were seeking.

The Washington Post reported in October that Jacobson wrote a series of memos about Keating's requests for Cranston's help with federal thrift regulators at the same time that Cranston was soliciting $850,000 from Keating for voter registration projects he supported.

Robert D. Luskin, Jacobson's attorney, said she simply was letting Cranston know that individuals who raised money for him still had matters pending in the office. "She was not taking a position or urging that the senator take a position on the merits. By 'some kind of resolution' she meant that these individuals -- like any other constituent -- deserved an answer, whether it was yes or no."

Cranston has said contributors have greater access to him than other constituents. "I couldn't raise money effectively if I didn't know something about what's on the minds of prospective contributors," the senator said in a deposition in the case released last week.

In his opening statement at the hearings, Cranston said "it is absurd to suggest that fund-raising and substantive issues are separated in Senate offices by some kind of wall."

Roy Greenaway, Cranston's top aide, said Jacobson "was always very careful to avoid injecting herself in the legislative process. She knew how we never let any fund-raisers play a role in deciding a case on its merits." He said, for instance, that Cranston blocked a bill Balkany had lobbied for heavily.

Referring to Balkany in the memo, Jacobson told Cranston, "Apparently you told him that you would speak to Senator {Robert C.} Byrd {(D-W.Va.), then majority leader} re his doing the invocation at the July 17th meeting of the Continental Congress in Philadelphia." She noted Pennsylvania's two GOP senators had recommended the rabbi.

"Also, Rabbi Balkany wanted to know what has happened re the Chaplain of the Senate. I told him that you or I would get back to him on both of these matters this week."

The rabbi raised $18,250 for the Cranston campaign "that we know about," according to a Cranston aide quoted in a recent Common Cause magazine article about Balkany's fund-raising prowess, entitled "The Brooklyn Bundler."

Balkany said in an interview that he usually raises money for Republican candidates. But he helped Cranston in 1986 because of his pro-Israel record after campaign aides "made a plea to me." He said he couldn't recall precisely, but "it could well have been" that he asked Cranston to help him be named to give the invocation at the Philadelphia event. He didn't make that prayer, he said, but did give the invocation at the Senate May 20, 1987, with Cranston's sponsorship.

Of Choppin, Jacobson wrote, "we are assisting him in getting a Customs office located in the Long Beach World Trade Center." Choppin announced in May 1989 that Customs was moving its Pacific region office from Los Angeles to take up three floors in his new building.

A spokeswoman for the General Services Administration, which finds space for federal offices, said the Customs lease with Choppin will cost the government $13.5 million over 10 years. Choppin's firm won the lease by competitive bid, she said. The developer didn't return a reporter's calls; a Choppin press aide also said he won a competitive bid.

Choppin raised about $50,000 for Cranston's 1986 campaign, according to a knowledgeable source. Greenaway said he didn't know what "assistance" for Choppin the Jacobson memo referred to. It wasn't uncommon for the senator to write a letter to an agency for constituents asking that they be considered for a contract, he said.

Jacobson said in the memo that Morse "has a competitive bid on a project with the Navy which he is afraid will not be judged fairly. This bid is on an ongoing project which accounts for the majority of his company's business. He fears that Litton Industries will get this contract simply because they are a big company which has several other contracts with the Navy."

Morse was president of an Anaheim firm that had a multimillion-dollar contract with the Navy to build "electrical converters" for torpedoes. Federal Election Commission records show Morse donated $2,000 to Cranston's 1986 campaign. He also put on two events for Cranston that raised about another $40,000, a source said. Morse did not return a reporter's calls.

Kaempfer, Jacobson wrote, met with a Cranston legislative aide about "your bill to restrict height limits for area construction. He has a building in Rosslyn about to go in construction which your bill would prevent him from completing. He has given legislative language to {the aide} which appears to meet his needs while not changing the thrust of your legislation."

Kaempfer, who raised about $30,000 for a Cranston fund-raiser held in his Georgetown home during the 1986 campaign, couldn't be reached for comment.

Greenaway said the Cranston height restriction bill was aimed at the proposed Port America complex in Prince Georges County near the Wilson Bridge. The project was scaled back after community protest, "obviating the need for the bill," he said.