CAIRO, JAN. 26 -- Ten days of U.S. and allied bombing of Iraq have produced some scattered signs of growing Arab and Moslem sympathy for Iraqi President Saddam Hussein, but no evidence yet of any explosion of anti-Americanism in the Middle East and South Asia.

This mixed picture of Arab and Moslem sentiment emerged in a survey by Washington Post correspondents of popular reaction to the Persian Gulf War in Egypt, Syria, the West Bank and Gaza, Pakistan and India. The Post reporters found widespread expressions of respect for Iraq's ability to withstand the allied bombardment, even among some of Saddam's political enemies. But there was no indication of the sort of spontaneous, mass demonstrations against the United States that some U.S. analysts had feared.

Arab and Western analysts warned, however, that anti-American feelings could rise sharply if the war against Iraq drags on, or if Iraqi casualties increase.

"If many Arab lives are wasted, many people would not support our government for supporting {the war against Iraq} in the first place," said Maged Mokhter, 25, an Egyptian graduate student in philosophy here. "Egypt would not feel at ease if half a million Arab soldiers die in battle."

Arab political alignments toward the gulf crisis have not changed dramatically since the war began. Iraq's strongest supporters remain the Palestinians in Jordan and the Israeli-occupied territories, as has been the case since Iraq invaded Kuwait on Aug. 2. And in Egypt and Syria, the two key Arab backers of the anti-Iraq coalition, the authorities have taken new steps to limit any public demonstrations of support for Saddam.

Egypt: Mixed Feelings

Egyptian public sympathy for the Iraqi people appears to be balanced by a strong antipathy toward Saddam.

"We want to kill Saddam," said Samir Faik, a Cairo waiter, as three friends nodded in agreement. "If he had the same strength as the American army, he would surely destroy the world." But at another downtown restaurant, a waiter named Abdel Azim cautioned: "The U.N. resolution is for the liberation of Kuwait only, not the destruction of Iraq."

The Egyptian government has worked hard to check any spontaneous outpouring of support for Iraq. Last week it extended winter vacations at schools and universities to avoid demonstrations that could turn violent, and quashed plans for an anti-Iraq march. Security has been increased throughout Cairo, and museums and other tourists sites -- including the pyramids -- have been closed to avoid terrorist attack.

"The most noticeable thing about Egypt is that there is no visible support for Saddam Hussein," said Abdullah Schleiffer, a professor at the American University of Cairo. "Egyptians are not championing Saddam as a savior of the Arabs."

Even among Egypt's radical political figures, Saddam has limited support. One leftist leader, Lutfi Khouli, said that his opposition group is deeply divided over Egypt's military role in the gulf. "Many of our members feel that Egyptian soldiers should not be fighting next to the imperialist American power," he said. "But most of them still want to see Iraq get out of Kuwait."

"We know that Saddam Hussein is trying to sow dissension within the Arab community," said Tahseen Bashir, an aide to the late president Anwar Sadat. "But Egypt simply is not going to leave the coalition that easily."

Syria: Contained Dissent

Syria has seen little public dissent since the Moslem Brotherhood was brutally crushed in Hama in 1982, and the gulf war has been no exception. Despite signs of public uneasiness at the bombing of a neighboring Arab state, there has been no serious protest against President Hafez Assad's support for the anti-Iraq coalition.

Assad has strong powers to contain dissent. There are several intelligence agencies, each with its own network of informers and armed men on the streets. No firebrand preachers incite at Friday prayers. And since Syria began jamming Jordanian television soon after Iraq invaded Kuwait, pro-Baghdad images no longer invade Syrian living rooms -- although it is said that Baghdad radio is avidly listened to.

The Palestinian community in Damascus has been allowed to express its sympathy for Saddam, however. Palestinians at the Yarmouk refugee camp outside Damascus regularly scrawl pro-Saddam slogans on the walls of their ghetto, and they are regularly scrubbed off. The Syrian government also allows Nayef Hawatmeh's Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine and George Habash's Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine -- both headquartered in Damascus -- to send out their pro-Saddam communiques to the world.

One clue about the public mood, according to diplomats in Damascus, is that during the first days of the war, some middle-class Syrians accosted their Western friends and cursed them for the U.S. bombing of Iraq. Diplomats said such incidents ceased with the news of the first Scuds hitting Israel. The Scuds, they said, apparently acted as a kind of safety valve for pent-up anti-Western sentiments.

The Syrian public's admiration for Iraqi steadfastness was expressed last week by none other than Syrian Foreign Minister Farouk Charaa, who reportedly told a gathering of ambassadors that "emotionally, all Arabs are delighted with missiles striking Israel."

West Bank, Gaza: Cheering Iraq

No Arabs have been cheering the Iraqi Scuds louder than the Palestinians of the occupied West Bank and Gaza. But although their support has been undimmed, the war has not triggered spontaneous eruptions of Palestinian backing in the streets there or in Jordan.

The mufti of Jerusalem, Sheik Saad-al-Din Alami, issued a fatwa, or religious ruling, this week calling for a holy war by Moslems against the United States and a boycott of U.S. goods.

Hanan Ashrawi, a Palestinian professor and political activist living in Ramallah, in the West Bank, said in an interview that support for Saddam among Arabs "has increased."

"Now he is viewed as an underdog, as somebody who is standing up for Arab pride," she said. "And who do you have to compare him with? Regimes that have really demeaned themselves for the West.

"The reality is that even though everyone knows that no one can withstand a massive assault with such advanced weapons, they feel that it's better for an Arab leader to stand up and die with dignity," Ashrawi said.

Saeb Erakat, a professor of political science and editorial writer for the Palestinian newspaper al-Quds, said, "I think the Americans have lost the war. They have lost the Middle East."

"I never saw such sentiments of anti-Americanism in my life as in recent days," said Erakat, who lives in the West Bank town of Jericho. "Who are you fighting for? That's the question that's being asked of the Americans."

South Asia: Passive Admiration

In South Asia, where an estimated 350 million Moslems live in Pakistan, India and Bangladesh, the outbreak of war has stirred strong sympathy for Saddam, although many say they admire the Iraqi leader less for religious reasons than for his pluck as a Third World underdog challenging the military might of the industrialized world.

But despite this sympathy, South Asian Moslems have so far shown little willingness to heed Saddam's calls to challenge their pro-Saudi governments or to launch a holy war against Western interests.

In Pakistan, attendance at pro-Iraq rallies has declined since the start of the war, as some influential political leaders have begun to denounce the religious extremists organizing the protests. At the same time, a few anti-Saddam groups -- Pakistanis who used to work in Kuwait and religious leaders supported by Saudi Arabia -- have started to assert themselves.

A Pakistani mullah who delivered the sermon at Karachi's Jamiat Ahle Hadith mosque on Friday advised his congregation, "Please don't get carried away. Saddam has never been a friend of Moslems or Pakistan. Saddam is in fact working on a conspiracy to destroy the Moslems forever."

Still, color posters of the Iraqi leader praying in his military uniform or saluting his troops sell briskly in urban markets in Pakistan and India and pop up regularly in the rear windows of taxis and motorized rickshaws.

Sympathy for Saddam's defiance is also reflected in opinion surveys, newspaper comment and random interviews on the streets of Pakistan and India. Many voice vitriolic anger at the U.S. role in the war and emphasize that their support for Saddam centers on his willingness to resist what is seen as American arrogance, hypocrisy and greed for Persian Gulf oil.

"The main thing is that he {Saddam} has not blinked," said Mushaied Hussein, a Pakistani writer.

Randal reported from Damascus. Also contributing were correspondents Jackson Diehl in Jerusalem and Steve Coll in New Delhi.