MOSCOW, FEB. 12 -- Hard-line politicians and newspapers here have grown increasingly critical of Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev's support of the multinational alliance in the Persian Gulf and have accused the United States of "neocolonial aggression" in the region.

An article published today by the daily newspaper Sovyetskaya Rossiya exemplifies the emerging hard-line view, saying Moscow's agreement to join the U.N. alliance against Iraq "ended the U.S.S.R.'s existence as a superpower," alienated the Kremlin's allies in the Middle East and Third World and will enable the "American-Israeli colony" to occupy the oil-rich region for decades.

The article, purportedly written by a Soviet emigre living in Israel but clearly expressing the view of the paper, describes U.S. investors "rejoicing" at news of war: "Each drop of Arab blood turned into dollars for them. It was the bliss of vampires."

At a rally of hard-liners in Leningrad Sunday, a few demonstrators carried pictures of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein. Yuri Sigov, an editor at the popular weekly Argumenty i Fakty, said in an interview that the paper has received hundreds of letters from Muslim readers from the Transcaucasus and Central Asia supporting Saddam and even offering to fight for Iraq.

"One man from a village in Uzbekistan said he was ready to send all seven of his sons to fight against America, or what he called 'the aggressor against the sacred and the noble,' " Sigov said.

Although Gorbachev and his circle have reiterated support for the drive to push Iraqi forces out of Kuwait, he has also emphasized in recent days an impatience with alliance attacks against Iraq, but done no more than issue a warning.

Hard-liners in the military and the press have charged that the West intends to take advantage of a weakened Soviet Union and dominate the Persian Gulf region long after the war is over.

Giorgi Mirsky, a specialist in Middle Eastern affairs with good connections in the Communist Party, said that the party, the military and the KGB secret police are "still deeply resentful" of the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact, the "socialist camp" in Eastern Europe and the U.S.S.R.'s troop strength in East Germany. That resentment, he said, is fueling the anger about Gorbachev's Persian Gulf policy.

Mirsky said he recently heard Gen. Vladimir Lobov, commander of Warsaw Pact troops, lash out at the policy, saying that the United States was threatening Soviet territory in the Transcaucasus, which includes the republics of Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia.

"There is a great range of people who somehow think Washington wants a beachhead there for years, as if it will plant an aircraft carrier near Azerbaijan," Mirsky said. "These are people who still think in totalitarian and anti-democratic terms and they are bitter about what Gorbachev and {former foreign minister Eduard} Shevardnadze did to their view of the world."

Many of the hard-liners contend that with Eastern Europe "gone," the Soviet Union proceeded rashly to alienate its allies in the Arab world by agreeing to join a coalition with the United States the day after Iraq invaded Kuwait. They say Arab resentment already was running high when Moscow began letting tens of thousands of Jews emigrate to Israel.

This opposition has a clear ideological element in its expression. Writing in the Communist Party daily Pravda last week, commentator Vsevold Ovchinnikov used "neocolonial" to describe what he -- and presumably the party -- sees as the U.S. ambition to control absolutely the oil-rich territory after the war.

The language in his article, "The Oil That Smells of Blood," is reminiscent of Cold War editorials in Pravda that accused Washington of "neocolonial adventures" in Southeast Asia, Central America and elsewhere. Ovchinnikov said Washington "is trying to secure the right of a permanent military presence in the main oil-extracting region of the world." That, he said, would allow the United States "to obtain an effective lever of pressure against competitive centers of economic power -- Japan and Western Europe."

A number of policy analysts here said the hard-line pressure on Gorbachev is not likely to push him far on the gulf.

This is a sharp contrast to its effect on domestic policy, where Gorbachev has openly sided with hard-liners in the military, the KGB security police and the army, especially against the rebellious republics.

The one subtle change has been the departure of Shevardnadze, a figure clearly sympathetic to the West's gulf policy. The main Soviet player in the gulf now is special envoy Yevgeny Primakov, whom Mirsky called "a person who is more likely to be susceptible to Baghdad's point of view, someone who is more inclined to want to give Saddam a way out."

Leonid Kravchenko, the hard-line head of Soviet radio and television, told reporters that a well-known reactionary journalist, Alexander Nevzorov, may soon be sent to cover the war in Iraq because so far, he said, Soviet television has covered the conflict "through the prism of CNN."