First of Two Parts

Horacio Hinojosa crossed a ruined tennis court, startling a stray horse grazing on tufts of wild grass pushing through cracks in the red pavement. Undeterred, he walked on through this deserted town where he had once flourished, pausing at an abandoned movie theater to pull at the branches creeping up the walls.

"I took my wife to see 'Planet of the Apes' here once," he said, and recalled a scene of desolation from the movie. "Remember all the buildings covered in vines and weeds? Well, you see we lost our world, too."

Hinojosa wandered down an overgrown path, passing a church whose ruptured doors were marked with graffiti. "Happiness and pain, for returning to the place of my best memories," read one scrawl in heavy black paint. Hinojosa nodded, then climbed the metal staircase of a nearby apartment building, where his family used to live.

It was inside the apartment, after touching its mold-covered pink walls and wandering the floors covered in rodent droppings, that the portly, 46-year-old former truck driver began to cry.

"We had a cake for my son's first birthday on this spot," he said, weeping. "And over there, we used to move the furniture to one side and put on music for dancing."

The music stopped in 1992. That was when this workers' village, 35 miles east of San Salvador de Jujuy in far northern Argentina, was shut down by the new private owners of Aceros Zapla, the formerly state-run steel and mining company that was the industrial pride of Argentina's northwest. Bought by a partnership that included New York-based Citicorp, Aceros Zapla became part of Argentina's $35 billion sell off of state enterprises, one of the developing world's most ambitious privatization plans of the 1990s. It marched this country into the new global economy, bringing fortunes to the quick, the skillful and the well-connected, but also exiling thousands of working-class families like Hinojosa's to a world of poverty and despair.

Founded in 1945, Aceros Zapla had been one of the symbols of former president Juan Peron's vision of Argentina as Latin America's middle-class society, a place where the continent's traditional chasm between rich and poor would be filled by working men and their families. Although the decades that followed were wracked by economic and political instability, workers like Hinojosa with less than a high school education enjoyed wide-ranging benefits, such as swimming pools and private gymnasiums.

But in the free-market revolution that swept through Argentina and much of Latin America in the 1990s, all that suddenly changed. The world that blue-collar Latin Americans like Hinojosa grew up in--where a job, especially a government or a union job, was a job for life--suddenly vanished, as long-closed economies from the Rio Grande to Tierra del Fuego adopted privatization and free-market reforms.

Instead, Hinojosa was promised a new era in which a dynamic private sector would provide a better standard of living though the engines of globalization and foreign investment. For some, the new era has lived up to its promise, and then some. Business elites and politicians clinked champagne glasses with foreign investors as reforms sent Latin stock markets soaring and sparked unprecedented economic growth.

Argentina embraced the free market more zealously than any other nation in Latin America. In upscale neighborhoods of Buenos Aires, new branches of Tiffany & Co. and Cartier have provided the labels of prosperity for slickly dressed entrepreneurs who cashed in as the value of the Buenos Aires Stock Exchange rose from $3.2 billion in 1990 to $45.3 billion last year. The powerful and well-to-do prospered, perhaps best exemplified by Argentina's President Carlos Menem, who drove a fire-engine red Ferrari and flew the world in a lavish new presidential jet called Tango 01.

Most other measurements of the Argentine economy also provided stunning vindication for the free-market reformers. Per capita income more than quadrupled in less than a decade, to $8,970--more than twice that of Mexico. The gross domestic product jumped from $181 billion in 1991 to $331 billion in 1998. The peso, sickened by inflation of 300 percent a month in 1989, was tied to the dollar and cured, with the inflation rate down to 0.2 percent today.

Yet the party has been exclusive. Although everyone benefited as new economic policies licked hyperinflation and brought new efficiency to formerly state-run companies, there were also many losers in Latin America's decade of reform whose stories are not told by the glowing statistics. Most of the new wealth fell into the hands of an already rich elite. The gap between rich and poor widened in virtually every nation that embraced reform.

As a result, the richest 10 percent of families in major Latin American countries now earn on average 47 times more than the poorest 10 percent, compared with 38 times as the decade opened, meaning the free-market reforms have intensified what the Inter-American Development Bank calls the most unbalanced income distribution in the world.

In addition, periodic recessions--one in 1995 from the Mexican peso crisis and another from Brazil's currency devaluation in January--tended to wipe out whatever gains were scored in the fight against poverty. Poverty rates in a number of countries--including Argentina, Mexico, Venezuela and others that carried out painful reforms--soared in the second half of this decade, some to levels higher than they were in the 1980s, according to the development bank and government statistics.

Economists point out that government corruption and faulty implementation of reforms in Latin American countries played a large role in their failure to provide wider benefits immediately. They also say the shakeout in places like Jujuy province will prove healthy in the long run--after globalization's growing pains subside. But right now, the frustrations across Latin America are manifested by a growing number of paralyzing general strikes and the rising popularity of a new group of politicians who are promising slower, more controlled economic change.

Many Latin Americans trapped in poverty by reforms fail to see the light because they can only feel the pain.

Here in Hinojosa's home region, a mountainous province of 600,000 people that lies 800 miles northwest of Buenos Aires on Argentina's frontier with Bolivia, the losers sit in anguish, watching their lives fall apart in a globalization purgatory. Like Hinojosa, the province earned its livelihood from state-run companies and protected industries such as sugar and tobacco. Privatizations and the lifting of tariffs burned through this place like a forest fire, with no new jobs or social welfare system.

From 1991 to '99, the number of jobs in Jujuy province's steel and metal works fell from 6,000 to 1,500; in the construction industry, from 10,000 to 2,000; in the mining industry, from 2,000 to 700; in the sugar industry, from 12,000 to 6,000. Particularly in Argentina, where Menem has been criticized for implementing reforms too quickly, many of the low- and medium-skill private sector jobs that the government hoped would absorb the unemployed never materialized. Instead, the jobs went to places such as India or China, where labor is cheaper.

The poverty rate ballooned in Jujuy, from 35.5 percent in 1991 to 54 percent today. In some towns in the province, the percentage of people classified as living in poverty--for an average family of five, that means living on less than $800 a month--now stands at over 65. The provincial government went broke from its lost tax base and began printing its own currency to meet payrolls.

"Entire families are now sifting through trash cans in the streets to feed their children," said the Roman Catholic bishop of Jujuy, Marcelino Palentini. "We weren't living in paradise before, I'll admit that. But it was never as seemingly hopeless as this."

'We Had Dreams'

Back in his dank former apartment, Hinojosa touched what remains of a rose his wife had laminated onto a mirrored window pane, a looking glass he would like to crawl back into. Like so many others in Latin America who feel that the benefits of a decade of free-market reforms passed them by, Hinojosa said he sees his best days behind him.

"We had dignity here. I earned a decent wage. I worked eight hours a day . . . and we had dreams," he said. "We were going to send our two sons to the university! They weren't going to be truck drivers like me, no way. My youngest wanted to be a lawyer! Yes, he was going to be something better than his dad."

When the private partnership including Citicorp bought Aceros Zapla, it started a still unfinished campaign to trim the company down for global competition, reducing the work force from 3,700 to 900 and still falling. Among the first to go were employees in the iron ore operation at the Nueve de Octubre mines--where Hinojosa had worked 17 years, his father 39.

With the layoffs, the Hinojosas sank into the ranks of Latin America's new poor. Hinojosa and his wife, Gloria del Carmen de Hinojosa, left the workers' village and bought a two-room, particle-board house in a burgeoning slum with a small down payment from the severance he received from Aceros Zapla. But like most of the people in this neighborhood, a tableau of government housing projects and shantytowns in Jujuy that exploded in population from 9,000 to 60,000, he cannot keep up with expenses.

Unable to find steady work, Hinojosa makes $400 a month driving his battered blue 1991 Peugeot as an impromptu taxi. That barely covers the food and light bills. It is less than half what he made at Aceros Zapla. There, he had worked his way up to $13,000 a year driving truckloads of ore to the steel plant. Maybe a pittance in Buenos Aires, but in rural Jujuy it was enough to dine on fine Argentine beef and sock away a bit for his sons' education.

But the savings are gone, and--in the midst of Argentina's worst recession of the decade, which has caused many people to take the bus instead of Hinojosa's taxi--the family is four months behind on the mortgage. If there is hope for the moment, it lies in the local supermarket. Hinojosa's elder son, Daniel, 20, has applied for an opening at the local grocery chain, recently bought by a European conglomerate. He has been called back for a second interview as a stock boy.

"This is a real interview for a real job," said his mother, sitting in the family's house. "You don't know how rare that is around here."

But Hinojosa buried his face in his hands. "Stock boy? My son should be at the university," he moaned.

"No, no. It's just not right," he sobbed. "This was supposed to be the country of the middle class, right? What happened?"

Managers Dismissed

The disparities intensified by reforms have been particularly difficult to bear in Argentina, a country of 36 million that has long had the highest standard of living in Latin America. The average worker here lived more like his or her counterparts in Prague or Warsaw than those in Mexico City or Lima, giving Argentina the distinction of being one of the most egalitarian countries in the hemisphere.

But today, the wealthiest 10 percent of the population earns on average 25 times the income of the poorest 10 percent, compared with 15 times in 1990. In a country that has always considered itself a European nation in Latin America, many Argentines are now referring to the effect of globalization as the "Latin Americanization" of Argentina.

And it is a process that has not hit bottom yet.

In the recession sparked by the devaluation in neighboring Brazil in January, companies like Aceros Zapla have reduced hours and increased already painful layoffs. In 1992, when the company closed the mines where Hinojosa worked, it argued it could import cheaper raw materials from Brazil. But when Brazil devalued its currency, once relatively on par with the Argentine peso, finished Brazilian steel became almost doubly cheap, and doubly hard to compete against.

After posting profits of almost $4.5 million last year, Aceros Zapla is staring at losses this year of almost $21 million. Citicorp, according to officials at Aceros Zapla, decided to sell its interest in the company in October. "They couldn't take the ups and downs anymore," said an Aceros Zapla official, who asked not to be named. "The foreign investors come, they get scared, and they go."

Another result was the firing of 300 company managers in April. Many thought that at their level they were secure from layoffs, but now see Hinojosa as the ghost of their future.

Presentacion Puca, 48, is one of the recently fired managers. He sat down recently in the teachers' lounge at Jujuy's Mining High School, a brown and gray 1960s brick monolith, wearing the same khaki uniform he wore for 13 years as a chief geologist at Aceros Zapla. For the last eight years, he has also taught an evening class on the local economy for $20 a month. But what he has not told his students about the economy is this: He has been laid off by the steel company.

Gone is his $38,000-a-year salary. Puca's severance pay--one year's salary--is already half gone as well. There was the mortgage on his home in one of San Salvador de Jujuy's finest neighborhoods. And he spent part of the money on a technical class in business administration and computer skills.

His other prospect--that someone, somewhere is looking to hire a 48-year-old geologist who knows a lot about rocks in Argentina's northwest--does not seem all that promising. So he plans to take more classes. Meanwhile, he buys newspapers from cities such as Buenos Aires and Cordoba, hoping to find a break in the want ads.

He feels time running out. To cut expenses, he is planning to sell his 1995 Renault. He already disconnected his phone. And the strain on his marriage has gotten worse.

Hinojosa regrets the upheavals here, but also remembers the days in 1989 and 1990, before the government, as part of its free-market reforms, pegged the peso to the U.S. dollar to end hyperinflation. Back then, his sister and brother-in-law, who worked at Aceros Zapla as well, were saving for a larger house in the city. They were not keeping their nest egg in one of the special bank accounts designed to defend against inflation. In the course of two months, they lost it all.

"Those were ugly days," he said. "Nobody wants to go back to that."

Hinojosa said he understands that times have changed and that even the old days at Aceros Zapla were in some ways a false paradise. The bloated company was inefficient and losing money. "I know it wasn't perfect, that we had too many people working there," he said. "But what's the answer? Putting everyone out on the street?"

One of the hardest parts, he said, is living without the medical coverage and social security benefits he enjoyed at Aceros Zapla. "When you got sick, you got taken care of," he said. "That was it."

Two months ago, he came down with pneumonia. He spent six hours in the emergency room at the local public hospital waiting to see a doctor. The doctor gave him two pills and a prescription for antibiotics. But the family could not afford to get the prescription filled; before, they would have been covered by his health plan.

"Medicine is a luxury for us," he said. "It's the pills, or it's dinner."

The educational system is suffering as well. As in so many other provinces in Argentina, the government in Jujuy last year ran out of money and stopped paying its teachers and other state workers. It began printing certificates to pay them instead. But the certificates could not be used to pay the electricity or telephone bills, and they could not be spent at all outside the province.

As a result, most teachers went on strike. At the school of Hinojosa's younger son, Alvaro, classes were canceled on all but 42 of 200 school days. The spindly 17-year-old, who once wanted to be a lawyer, has since decided to quit school to look for work.

"I've given up on justice," Alvaro said.

'Pray for a Different Future'

The Hinojosa family finds solace in Saint Barbara, Jujuy's patron saint of miners and steelworkers. One evening, five weeks before the feast honoring the saint, Hinojosa began gathering green felt, plastic, paint and wood to build a replica of the old workers' village where he and his family had lived.

It would be the second year that the Hinojosas would join other families from the Nueve de Octubre village to carry a model of their lost world mounted on a pedestal in front of an image of Saint Barbara to the shrine they have set up on a carved boulder in a corner of Hinojosa's slum. Mounted on the shrine are plaques bearing the names of the men who died in the mines.

"We remember them," he said. "And we give thanks for what we had. But mostly, we pray for a different future--pray that Saint Barbara can help us get our lives back on track."

On a recent evening in the Hinojosa home, it seemed the saint was listening. Daniel, the elder son, returned smiling from the job interview at the grocery chain. He gave a thumbs up to his parents. His mother looked moved. His father exhaled, and smiled.

"Thank God," Hinojosa said. "Thank God."

NEXT: A political backlash.

CAPTION: RATE OF GROWTH OF GDP (This chart was not available)

CAPTION: ARGENTIA: BOOM AND BUST (This graphic was not available)

CAPTION: A visit to the apartment he once occupied in a comfortable workers' village moves Horacio Hinojosa to tears.

CAPTION: Nueve de Octubre village was shut down in 1992 after Aceros Zapla, a state-run steel and mining firm, was sold to a partnership that included Citicorp. The work force was reduced from 3,700 to 900, and the number is still falling.

CAPTION: Horacio Hinojosa and his wife, Gloria, were saving money to send their sons to college when he lost his job. Now they struggle to make ends meet.