And this has actually happened: Sanders has won a string of victories in the platform, such as commitments to a $15-per-hour minimum wage; expanding Social Security; making universal health care available as a right through expanding Medicare or a public option; breaking up too-big-to-fail institutions; and a host of other, smaller goals designed to regulate Wall Street, make banking services available to lower income people, and spend more on infrastructure and job creation. Clinton has also agreed to vastly expand her plan for free college, which — along with a Sanders endorsement — should help unite young voters behind her, after a primary in which she really did fail to win their votes in worrying numbers.
To be sure, there is still one big looming fight — on trade. According to his top policy adviser, Warren Gunnels, the campaign has begun a major push to get this language on the Trans-Pacific Partnership added to the platform:
“It is the policy of the Democratic Party that the Trans-Pacific Partnership must not get a vote in this Congress or in future sessions of Congress. Democrats believe that any trade agreement must protect workers and the environment and not undermine access to critically-needed prescription drugs.”
The Sanders camp will try to get this language added when the fight goes to the full convention Platform Committee later this week. There are over 180 people on that committee — 25 picked by the DNC, with the remainder picked by the two campaigns in proportion to the final pledged delegate count. Gunnels tells me that, with all of the Sanders appointees set to vote for this amendment, the Bernie forces need around 20 more from either the DNC or Clinton appointees to win this battle.
But even if Sanders does not get his way on this point, it does not look like it will hold up an endorsement. As the the Times piece puts it, “this is not seen as a deal breaker to the eventual endorsement.” That’s my sense as well.
In other words, though Sanders’ decision to hold out to secure more in the platform enraged a lot of Democrats, it does not appear to have posed any kind of serious threat to party unity. He has gotten a number of his priorities included and he now looks poised to help unify the party behind her. Though it is certainly possible that the horrifying spectacle of President Donald Trump could have accomplished this, Sanders’s success in getting items added could actually help Clinton, since it could potentially mean more Dem unity and a better showing for her among younger voters.
Indeed, his endorsement could actually matter. The new Pew poll finds that Clinton leads Trump by 51-42 among registered voters nationally. But it also finds that among Dems and Dem leaners who backed Sanders during the primaries, 85 percent plan to vote for Clinton, while a total of 15 percent say they’ll vote for Trump (nine percent) or for someone else (six percent). That means there’s still room for a Sanders endorsement to boost her further against Trump, as a recent survey conducted by veteran Dem pollster Stan Greenberg also found.
There are still outstanding questions. How enthusiastically will Sanders endorse Clinton? Will he make a robust case that she would move the country in the direction of his vision, albeit not as ambitiously or dramatically? Will he make a strong case to his supporters that the outcome of the primaries and the process determining the party’s agenda were legitimate? Provided he does the right thing on all those fronts — and I think he probably will, since he has repeatedly said he will do everything possible to defeat Trump — we may soon be able to declare that, for all the anger and uncertainty it has engendered, this process has actually gone quite well.