Cambridge Analytica was also the subject of a Wall Street Journal report, which found that “the chief executive of a data-analytics firm that worked for President Donald Trump’s campaign reached out to WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange to offer help organizing the Hillary Clinton-related emails the website was releasing, according to a person familiar with the effort. The outreach by the CEO of the firm, which is partly owned by a major Trump donor and has close ties to a Trump adviser, came as Mr. Trump was publicly cheering the leaks of his Democratic rival’s emails and some supporters were seeking to unearth further messages.” And one more nugget: None other than Michael Flynn had an “advisory role” with a firm linked to Cambridge Analytica.
Maybe this is all coincidence. Perhaps Cambridge Analytica has no role whatsoever in providing guidance or data to Russians seeking to manipulate the U.S. election. Perhaps Facebook was an entirely innocent player, hoodwinked by Cambridge Analytica (which was recently suspended from the platform), and had no idea that all this data was being sourced to aid in foreign manipulation of our election. However, at this point, Congress and the American people have considerable reason to doubt those conclusions.
Congress needs to get executives from Facebook (Zuckerberg himself) and Cambridge Analytica up to the Hill promptly to get answers from both firms. The public needs to know:
- What was the extent of contacts between Cambridge Analytica and Russian officials?
- Did Cambridge Analytica help guide the Russian social media operation by, for example, targeting specific users?
- What information did Kushner have, if any, about Cambridge Analytica’s operation and its use of Facebook data?
- What did Facebook know about Cambridge Analytica’s operation, when did it know it, and has it been candid and forthcoming in its disclosures?
Answers to these questions are critical not only to the Russia investigation but also to the future of social media platforms. The stakes are obviously high for Facebook, especially if it (intentionally or not) provided more of a boost to Trump’s victory than previously acknowledged. As intelligence analyst Malcolm Nance put it, “What happens if 100s of millions of progressives worldwide abandon Facebook because they think it’s a tool of Trump, Russia authoritarians and neo-Nazis? Facebook needs to own up and do damage control to ensure they are not 2018’s information cruise missile of choice.” Even if it never intended to bolster Trump, it’s hard to disagree that it was lax in recognizing manipulation of its platform and in disclosing the extent of the misuse of users’ data. “What’s clear is that Facebook has built up a massive intelligence tool that can be exploited by foreign actors who don’t care at all if they are violating Facebook’s user agreements,” remarks Max Bergmann, who heads the Moscow Project at the Center for American Progress. “This incident demonstrates that it is time for Washington to get serious about regulating the tech companies. They’ve been living in a libertarian fantasy world of ‘don’t be evil’ but that doesn’t work when you have a fiduciary responsibility to your shareholders to prioritize profits.”
Facebook’s conduct during and after the 2016 election may well lead to federal regulation of social media of the type Klobuchar, Sens. Mark Warner (D-Va.) and John McCain (R-Ariz.) are sponsoring, which would require archiving of political ads with detailed information regarding “a description of the audience the advertisement targets, the number of views generated, the dates and times of publication, the rates charged, and the contact information of the purchaser” and also subject online ads to the same campaign regulations that govern TV and radio ads.
At this point, it is increasingly hard to argue against such regulation, given the cavalier conduct of Facebook and the obvious opportunities for abuse by malicious foreign governments.