The bill would also see the Postal Service develop a public online mail delivery performance dashboard where customers could view the agency’s on-time delivery metrics by Zip code each week.
Pushed by Sens. Gary Peters (D-Mich.) and Rob Portman (R-Ohio), who lead the Senate Homeland and Governmental Affairs Committee, the legislation has enough bipartisan co-sponsors to give it a pathway to passage in the bitterly divided chamber.
Nine Republicans in addition to Portman signed on as co-sponsors, meaning if the Senate’s 50 Democrats vote for the legislation, called the “Postal Service Reform Act,” the 60 combined votes could defeat a potential filibuster. Negotiators say they are confident they can attract more GOP senators to sign on, making the legislation the nearest Congress has reached to a postal overhaul in more than a decade.
“Millions of Americans and Michiganders, including seniors, veterans, and small business owners, rely on the Postal Service to deliver. For decades, the Postal Service has struggled to overcome unfair and burdensome financial requirements that risk its ability to continue providing reliable service in the long run," Peters, who chairs the committee said in a statement. “This commonsense, bipartisan legislation would help put the Postal Service on a sustainable financial footing, ensure it is more transparent and accountable to the American people, and support hardworking postal workers who deliver rain or shine to communities all across the country."
The legislation would be a significant step toward resolving structural issues at the Postal Service, which has $188.4 billion in liabilities and has not come close to meeting its on-time delivery goals since July.
In that time, the agency has wrestled with skyrocketing package volume — up almost 19 percent in fiscal year 2020 — along with decreases in first-class and marketing-mail volumes, as well as pandemic staffing shortages. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy has been called before Congress four times and cross-examined over his relationship with former president Donald Trump, the agency’s election preparedness, its declining delivery service and his controversial reorganization of the agency.
DeJoy, with the support of the Postal Service’s governing board, plans to slow mail service and raise prices while pivoting the agency toward parcels and away from paper mail. The plan predicts a 36 percent drop-off in mail volume over the next decade. However, with increased investment in package shipping, it says the agency can break even by 2023.
Since DeJoy announced the plan, the Senate confirmed two of President Biden’s nominees for the board, who in a confirmation hearing both expressed opposition to parts of the proposal.
“While its role in American life has changed over the years, the United States Postal Service remains a key part of American life, serving Americans through its delivery of vital medicines, important packages, and other mail,” Portman said in a statement. “For that reason, I am proud to join Senator Peters in introducing the Postal Service Reform Act of 2021, which will, when coupled with the Postal Service’s transformative 10-year plan, help turn around the substantial losses at the Postal Service over the last decade and ensure self-sustaining, high-quality postal service for all Americans."
A crucial part of DeJoy’s plan was congressional intervention on its annual retiree health-care costs. The 2006 Postal Accountability and Enhancement Act required the Postal Service to prepay those expenses, a mandate that the agency could not meet. It is often cited by some officials as the main culprit preventing the agency from investing in new technology and equipment, such as a sorely needed vehicle fleet and new package-sorting machines.
That liability, plus other unfunded retiree benefits, makes up $136.1 billion, or nearly 72 percent of its debt.
But the agency has not made those payments since 2011, meaning that even though the situation on its balance sheet looks worse year after year, the pre-funding mandates have not affected the Postal Service’s liquidity. The agency reported it had $25.4 billion in cash, a surprisingly strong position, experts say, because leaders at the start of the pandemic projected it could run out of money in a matter of months.
Its finances have been buoyed by package revenue — in 2020, for the first time in its 246-year history, package revenue outpaced that of first-class mail — and a $15 billion grant from Congress to make up for projected pandemic-related budget shortfalls. But the agency still lost $9.2 billion last year.
Experts say even with financial reforms, the mail agency’s fundamental weakness is changes in consumer habits: Individuals and businesses simply are not sending as much mail as they used to. And though the bipartisan overhaul could alleviate certain annual concerns, it may not be enough to put the agency on firm footing.
“Some things are beyond the realm of legislation to be able to deal with,” said Kenneth John, president of the Postal Policy Associates consultancy and a former senior analyst at the Government Accountability Office. “Letter mail volume is going to decline to the extent that prices increase more rather than less. That decline may accelerate somewhat, but it’s fundamentally a result of changing ways of communication and payment, and these are going to continue.”
Liberal House Democrats had pushed the chamber’s bill sponsors to take a more sweeping approach to postal reform, including discussions about consistently providing the mail agency with congressional appropriations. The Postal Service generally does not take taxpayer funding and subsists on the sale of mail and package products.
But House leaders, including Rep. Carolyn B. Maloney (D-N.Y.), who led the mail coalition, wanted to bring Republicans along in the effort and opted for a more moderate approach. The legislation authorizes the Postal Service to offer non-mailing services to local governments, such as the sale of hunting and fishing permits, a priority for the liberal wing of the party. However, the new bipartisan deal does not incorporate a pilot program for banking services, a larger priority for liberals, or include resources or transparency requirements for election mail handling.
Maloney split off some of those components, along with $8 billion in funding for an electric vehicle fleet, into a separate bill that also has the requisite support to pass the House. The Senate has not taken up that legislation.