Behind the wheels were graduate students from Brown University, trying to get the attention of the school’s president, Christina Paxson, with this noisy drive-by of her official red-brick, white-trimmed 1922 mansion set behind walls of stone and wrought iron.
The disruption of this genteel neighborhood exemplified the growing anger of students like these, who, at Brown and elsewhere, have been demanding higher stipends and better benefits in exchange for the work they do as teaching and research assistants.
Before the coronavirus pandemic, there seemed little chance they would get anywhere. Contract and collective bargaining negotiations had been dragging on for years at the few universities that would entertain them; other schools refused to recognize graduate worker unions at all. The Trump administration’s National Labor Relations Board, or NLRB, had approved a policy change effectively denying graduate workers at private universities the automatic right to unionize. Graduate teaching assistants in California who staged a wildcat strike were summarily fired at the beginning of March.
But quietly, and overshadowed by everything else that has been happening, graduate students in the past few months have won surprising victories that are the culmination of decades of effort. They and others chalk this up, at least in part, to universities’ need for their labor in what promises to be a tumultuous fall.
Four private universities — American, Brown, Georgetown and Harvard — have reached contract deals with their graduate workers since the end of January. That doubles the number of private institutions at which graduate unions now have contracts. (The others are Brandeis, Tufts, the New School and New York University.)
Meanwhile, graduate students at more than 75 universities in the United States and Canada have for the first time organized themselves into a loose alliance demanding better pay and protections, driven by anger over incidents such as the firings in California and new momentum from the recent unexpected successes.
“There’s this huge synergy because people are realizing what we can actually accomplish,” said Kaitlyn Hajdarovic, the graduate students’ bargaining committee co-chair at Brown, where she is a research assistant and doctoral student in neuroscience.
Though none of the universities would answer the question of why they have agreed now, of all times, to long-resisted contracts with their graduate students, independent experts say the motivations include politics and public relations.
The schools “don’t want to look bad, and they especially don’t want to look bad with regard to their graduate students in the midst of a pandemic and a recession,” said Gary Rhoades, the director of the Center for the Study of Higher Education at the University of Arizona.
Graduate students have taken advantage of that fear with such spectacles as the noisy drive-by at Brown. There was also a car and bicycle protest outside the lead negotiator’s house at Oregon State, complete with a trumpeter playing improv jazz and military marches, and a campaign called Chop from the Top demanding pay cuts for top administrators to avert layoffs for the lowest-paid workers.
“If I’m in those administrations, my sense would be, ‘Let’s take care of this issue. We’ve got so much other stuff going on right now, this is an easy one,’ ” Rhoades said.
Public support for graduate workers was evident when, in March, the University of California at Santa Cruz dismissed more than 40 graduate teaching assistants for striking and withholding grades to demand a cost-of-living raise. Even though the students were in violation of a no-strike clause in their contract, the firings triggered protests across the University of California system. (UC-Santa Cruz in July announced that it will let the fired students reapply for jobs.)
And when Trump appointees on the NLRB ruled that graduate research and teaching assistants should be considered primarily students, not workers — reversing their Obama-era right to unionize — “that mobilized even more people, because the battle lines were clear,” Rhoades said.
“The larger political environment is catalyzing the movement and makes management more willing to come to the table and acknowledge that they don’t want to be seen as being in bed with the Trump administration.”
Graduate students who reached contract deals in the past few months speculated that their universities also wanted to avoid disruptions like the 29-day strike on the eve of final exams staged in December by graduate teaching assistants and tutors at Harvard.
They said negotiators seemed eager to make sure they had enough graduate workers for a fall semester already expected to be challenging.
“On the Georgetown side, there was this pressure to wrap up these negotiations and just have it settled,” said Jewel Tomasula, a doctoral student and research fellow there and incoming president of the Georgetown Alliance of Graduate Employees. “The sense I had was that they just wanted to get this done because they have other things to deal with.”
At Brown, Hajdarovic said, the university had stopped meeting with the union in January and February and canceled further sessions at the start of the pandemic shutdowns. Then the talks were suddenly put back on a weekly schedule, and they began to make progress on stipends and other financial issues that had previously stalled.
“Their tune on that really shifted,” she said. “My view was that they wanted to get the financials locked down.”
In this crisis, university administrators “understood just how important and essential the graduate workers are,” said Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers, which helped organize the graduate unions at Brown, Georgetown and Oregon State. (Harvard’s graduate workers are affiliated with the United Auto Workers; American’s are with the Service Employees International Union.)
“Teaching assistants, who are mostly graduate workers, are basically the muscle of what makes things work in a university,” Weingarten said. “They know where the keys are.”
The pandemic created heightened urgency for the graduate students, too. Most have had to teach online, or their labs were closed, jeopardizing deadlines and financial aid. Some were called back to help with coronavirus-related research, and they were concerned about their health. International graduate students fear they will lose their visas or be deported.
Usually buried in their lab work, graduate research assistants have traditionally been less involved in union efforts than graduate teaching assistants, or TAs, Hajdarovic said. “Most of the organizing comes from TAs. They can see how they’re being pushed around by the university, and how the university benefits from their work.”
But when the pandemic descended, she said, “more people started to realize that maybe the university didn’t have their best interests in heart, that it wasn’t going to take care of them. I had people in my department who had never been interested in the union before, who reached out to me to say, ‘Hey, what are we going to do about that?’ ”
Existing or anticipated budget cuts on some campuses added yet another layer of anger and determination to this mix.
“Crisis does radicalize people,” said Alexandra Adams, a doctoral candidate in biological sciences at Rutgers University at Newark, which has declared a financial emergency and announced layoffs and a salary freeze.
Graduate students at Rutgers, which is a public institution, already have a union and a contract that took 14 months to hammer out, shielding them from losing their jobs and health-care coverage, though a scheduled cost-of-living raise may be postponed. Seeing how a contract can protect them at a time like this, Adams said, is motivating graduate union organizers elsewhere to redouble their efforts.
“People are fighting because in this pandemic and this austerity period in higher education, it’s fight or flight,” said Andrea Haverkamp, the president of the Coalition of Graduate Employees at Oregon State, where she is a doctoral candidate and graduate research assistant in environmental engineering. “When push comes to shove, workers stick up for themselves.”
All of these things come on top of years-long complaints about escalating fees, stipends too low to cover the cost of living in many university communities and other problems, even as the academic job market dries up and prospects for employment narrow.
“It used to be that you worked long hours for a low stipend, and you were rewarded with a tenure-track job,” Hajdarovic said. “Now we’re realizing: Hey, we’re working for peanuts, and there is no light at the end of the tunnel. Our reward is going to be adjunct jobs and no health care.”
At Georgetown, after five years of organizing and 13 months of collective bargaining, graduate workers got between 12 and 15 percent increases in their stipends, plus paid parental leave and dental insurance for doctoral candidates and cost-of-living raises in the contract’s second and third years.
Harvard graduate workers, who started organizing nearly five years ago and spent 19 months negotiating, won a 2.8 percent raise, funds to help with health and child care, and protection from harassment, including from supervisors.
Brown’s deal includes a 3.7 percent stipend increase, an appointment extension for some graduate workers — to make up for the time they lost to the pandemic shutdowns — and full reimbursement for coronavirus testing and treatment.
Graduate workers elsewhere also have been making gains. A bill was introduced in the Georgia General Assembly proposing that student fees be waived for research and teaching assistants. Graduate students at the University of Colorado at Boulder helped launch a new all-worker union, the United Campus Workers Colorado, across every campus in the public university system.
“We’re moving in a great direction,” said Alex Wolf-Root, who just completed a doctorate in philosophy and is now an adjunct lecturer and a founding member of the Colorado group. “We have some good momentum.”
That in itself is a significant change. The first collective bargaining agreement for teaching assistants was reached at the University of Wisconsin at Madison in the spring of 1970; in the 50 years since, there have been only about 40 more, covering just one in five graduate student workers, according to the National Center for the Study of Collective Bargaining in Higher Education and the Professions at Hunter College.
“Some of these organizing efforts have been going on for decades,” said William A. Herbert, the center’s executive director.
Several private universities still refuse to negotiate with graduate workers’ unions, including the University of Chicago. Because of the NLRB decision, those that have agreed to contracts are under no requirement to renew them. And the Harvard deal is for one year, not several years, as the graduate workers’ union there had wanted.
Still, said Aparna Gopalan, a doctoral student in anthropology at Harvard and an active member of the union on that campus, graduate workers during the pandemic have gained a big foothold.
“This year is going to be the most volatile year any of us have ever had,” Gopalan said. “At least we’ll have the contract to fall back on. And who knows where we’ll be in a year?”