The civil rights era was supposed to drastically change America. It didn’t.
From covid-19 to the 2020 election, the specter of America’s racist history influences many aspects of our lives.

Racism is costly. American policies, from law enforcement impunity to the disparate effects of covid-19, are killing Black people. In the 75 years since World War II ended, legislators have created, courts have deliberated and executives have overseen policies that were said to benefit national interests but have harmed the Black community. Rules designed to provide Black Americans with equal access to life and liberty — the Voting Rights Act, affirmative action, school and housing desegregation — have met with severe backlash in the post-civil rights era.
Sadly, the current economic and public health crises have revealed much about the deeply embedded forms of racial marginalization that exist in America. But our conversations about anti-Black racism are useless if they ignore historical context.
Covid-19 afflicts and kills Black Americans at higher rates than almost any other race, but many do not trust vaccines because of the unconscionable experimentation on and maltreatment of Black Americans by White health-care professionals and researchers in the past. Black voters saved the election for President-elect Joe Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala D. Harris, but only because of extraordinary efforts to overcome the obstacles created by the gutting of voting rights policies. And the Black Lives Matter movement has helped expose the uneven policing of Black citizens after decades of federal government-subsidized militarization of police departments in the name of wars on drugs and terrorism.
America’s racist history also has created a domino effect of disadvantage through every aspect of how we live and learn. Black and White people largely reside in different neighborhoods because of the segregationist housing practices that incentivized White flight to the suburbs. Because housing is directly linked to education funding in America, the exodus left many Black children in underfunded, urban public schools. Now, as students attempt to learn virtually during the pandemic, the racial and economic inequities could not be starker, with Black students having less access to technology and other critical learning resources. Those children’s parents also are more likely to be essential workers in service industries that make it difficult to monitor their children’s educational progress at home.
The following timeline shows how America’s history of racist laws, policies and court rulings has significantly affected the lives and opportunities of Black citizens during the post-civil rights era. It is far from exhaustive but highlights key reasons systemic racism pervades the American experience today.

A sign placed across from the Sojourner Truth housing project in Detroit in February 1942. (Arthur Siegel/Getty Images)
1949: Housing Act and restrictive covenants
Collusion between private mortgage companies, real estate agents and homeowners’ associations created legal means to limit housing options for Black people until 1948, when the Supreme Court’s Shelley v. Kraemer ruling rendered racially restrictive covenants unconstitutional. But the passage of the Housing Act the following year ushered in an era of urban renewal that displaced primarily Black residents in the name of eradicating blight in cities.

Interstate 81 slices through a predominantly African American community on the south side of Syracuse, N.Y. (Jahi Chikwendiu/The Washington Post)
1956: Federal-Aid Highway Act
The Federal-Aid Highway Act literally paved the way for White flight by cutting through Black neighborhoods and creating physical boundaries for what real estate assessors, agents and mortgage companies considered good and bad neighborhoods — code for Black and non-Black enclaves.

Members of the Black Berets of Homewood lead a march in Pittsburgh in August 1969, protesting discrimination in construction jobs. (Teenie Harris Archive/Carnegie Museum of Art/Getty Images)
1967: Philadelphia Plan
The Philadelphia Plan developed by the Nixon administration set goals for contractors to hire Black workers and other laborers of color as the suburbs developed. But to avoid losing the support of White laborers, Nixon largely abandoned the plan and subsequent efforts to create opportunities for Black workers in the trades.

President Lyndon B. Johnson presents a souvenir pen to Lupe Arzola and his wife, residents of the oldest federally subsidized public housing project in Austin, as he signed the Fair Housing Act in 1968. (AP)
1968: Fair Housing Act
The act was supposed to eradicate racism in the sale, rent and financing of housing, but enforcement was thin, allowing private housing developers that racially discriminated to receive federal funding. The effects were particularly disparate in the suburbs, where the legislation provided subsidies for mostly White residents to move to newly constructed homes with large lots and cul-de-sacs. Residential insurance companies set lower rates for suburban homes than those in the cities, which also provided indirect subsidies for those able to leave urban areas.

Nathan Brooks at Greenhaven Prison. He was given a 25-year sentence for accompanying a woman serving as a courier for four ounces of cocaine, a result of the mandatory-minimum-sentence provisions of the Rockefeller Drug Laws. (Andrew Lichtenstein/Corbis/Getty Images)
1973: Rockefeller Drug Laws
Two years after President Nixon declared a war on drugs, New York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller (R) oversaw the passage of laws imposing mandatory minimum prison sentences of up to 15 years for the possession or sale of marijuana, cocaine and heroin, making the punishment of those crimes on par with murder. By 2000, nearly 90 percent of those convicted of violating the Rockefeller Drug Laws were Black or Latino.

Supporters of the Section 8 housing program rally outside Department of Housing and Urban Development offices in Los Angeles to preserve funding for the program. (Anacleto Rapping/Los Angeles Times/Getty Images)
1974: Housing choice voucher program
Section 8 housing vouchers provided financial assistance to renters as an alternative to low-income housing projects that had become markers of policy failure and government neglect in cities. Even though most beneficiaries were White, Section 8 was widely associated with Black residents, and White homeowners and neighborhood associations opposed Section 8 housing in their neighborhoods.

School buses carrying African American students arrive at formerly all-white South Boston High School on Sept. 12, 1974, the first day of federal court-ordered busing to counter de facto segregation. (Spencer Grant/Getty Images)
1974: Boston busing crisis
After Massachusetts courts implemented a busing program to racially diversify schools, White parents and residents in Boston violently protested the arrival of Black students. Throughout the nation, busing had traumatic effects on the Black children who had to endure the racism of some White students, parents, school officials and community members. Meanwhile, traditionally Black educational institutions suffered from neglect and frequently closed, further depleting resources in Black neighborhoods.

Student leader John Bailey speaks out against the Supreme Court's Bakke decision at a rally in Denver in March 1978. (Duane Howell/Denver Post/Getty Images)
1978: Bakke v. University of California
The Supreme Court dealt a blow to affirmative action in public higher education by ruling that spots could not be reserved for any one race, though race could be one of multiple factors when considering applications. The ruling contributed to a movement in the 1990s to undo affirmative action policies in states such as California, Washington, and Texas as opponents asserted that race should hold no place in the evaluation of applications.

Police in riot gear stand by as a business burns along W. Florissant Avenue in Ferguson, Mo., in November 2014 after an announcement that a grand jury declined to indict Ferguson police officer Darren Wilson in the fatal shooting of Michael Brown, an unarmed teenager. (Jahi Chikwendiu/The Washington Post)
1981: Military Cooperation with Civilian Law Enforcement Agencies Act
The act established official lines of collaboration between the U.S. military and local law enforcement agencies in combating drug trafficking, civil disturbances and terrorism. It also helped make the transfer of militarized equipment to civilian police departments a regular practice, foreshadowing the deployment of military equipment to protests in Ferguson, Mo., following the fatal shooting of teenager Michael Brown Jr. by a police officer in 2014.

An abandoned tenement on Summit Avenue in the South Bronx section of New York City in 1983. (David Bookstaver/AP)
1982: Broken-windows theory
This theory, developed by former Harvard law professor James Q. Wilson, supported a form of policing in which officers arrested and rousted citizens for minor violations in search of larger crimes. Used in conjunction with stop-and-frisk tactics, the policing approach spread nationwide, disproportionately targeting Black citizens. In 2017, Black or Latino citizens in New York City comprised nearly 9 of every 10 stops that police made, with the majority of those stopped being innocent of any crime.

Police in Bridgeport, Conn., arrest a man in January 1994 at the height of the crack epidemic. (Andrew Lichtenstein/Corbis/Getty Images)
1994: Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act
As the crack epidemic spread through Black communities, the sweeping federal crime bill helped fund 100,000 police officers, as well as the expansion of prisons and the death penalty, which disproportionately kills Black men. It contained stiff penalties for violating firearm bans and gang-related activities, coinciding with a rise in the illicit drug trade. The increased police presence in Black neighborhoods often led to abusive policing and further distrust of law enforcement.

Signs declaring drug- and gun-free zones on a fence at a Phoenix elementary school in 2004. (Matt York/AP)
1994: Zero tolerance
The 1994 Gun-Free Schools Act mandated immediate expulsion for students who brought firearms to school, and many adopted “zero tolerance” policies for drugs, behavior and even clothing styles. Enforcement has been markedly uneven: Data collection by the Education Department’s Office of Civil Rights indicates that Black students were three times more likely to be suspended or expelled than White children. Black students also were three times more likely to be referred to law enforcement for school transgressions, contributing to the school-to-prison pipeline in the Black community.

Herman Shaw, 94, a survivor of the Tuskegee syphilis experiment, speaks at a White House ceremony at which President Bill Clinton apologized to survivors and families of the study's victims. (Paul J. Richards/AFP/Getty Images)
1997: Tuskegee syphilis experiment apology
President Clinton issued an apology to the subjects of the Tuskegee syphilis experiment, 65 years after the study began destructive trials on Black subjects. Many Black people continue to distrust health-care professionals for this and other medical experimentation, as well as lingering disparities in medical care that result in more illness and shorter life spans in the Black community. This is especially tragic in the midst of a pandemic that infects and kills Black Americans at much higher rates than White people.

In D.C.'s Anacostia neighborhood, the site of a planned high-rise commercial-residential building sits next to the Children of Mine Youth Center in 2017. The historic Black neighborhood is being gentrified. (Jahi Chikwendiu/The Washington Post)
2004: Tax increment financing and gentrification
Tax increment financing, a financial incentive for private developers to revitalize blighted urban areas, had spread throughout the United States by 2004. The subsidies helped usher in an era of upper-middle-class White residents moving back into cities, displacing low-income and working-class Black and Brown residents. Relieving the White-owned businesses and new White residents of traditional tax burdens left public schools and other city services underfunded in urban areas where Black people had long resided.

Reps. José E. Serrano (D-N.Y.), left, and John Lewis (D-Ga.), activist Al Sharpton, and Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee (D-Tex.) rally with other members of Congress at the Supreme Court in 2013 as the court prepared to hear oral arguments in Shelby County v. Holder. (Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)
2013: Shelby County v. Holder
The Supreme Court ruling rolled back key elements of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, freeing states with a history of racial discrimination in voting from federal oversight. Conservatives in mostly southern states commenced a powerful campaign to gerrymander districts in favor of the Republican Party and weakened Black voting power. Hundreds of polling places in Black neighborhoods were closed, photo identification laws were instituted and vast voter registration purges commenced. These changes limited access to the polls and created prohibitive lines for voting, with some Black voters waiting up to 12 hours to cast their ballots.
Stefan M. Bradley is a professor in the Department of African American Studies at Loyola Marymount University and author of “Upending the Ivory Tower: Civil Rights, Black Power, and the Ivy League.”