Obama

A virtual museum of his presidency

Through a collection of deeply reported stories, videos, photographs, documents and graphics, experience Barack Obama’s historic time in office: as the first black president, as commander in chief, as a domestic and foreign policymaker, and as a husband and father.

Continue to the gallery of stories or keep reading: Obama’s crusade against a criminal justice system devoid of ‘second chances’.

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Obama’s Legacy The First Black President

Obama’s crusade against a criminal justice system devoid of ‘second chances’

Over the course of his presidency, Barack Obama became increasingly dedicated to unmasking racial discrimination in U.S. criminal justice policies.

Criminal justice was always a priority issue for Barack Obama.“Since my first campaign, I’ve talked about how, in too many cases, our criminal justice system ends up being a pipeline from underfunded, inadequate schools to overcrowded jails,” he declared in the summer of 2015.

But over the course of his presidency, he became something of a crusader, prodded in part by a growing national movement dedicated to unmasking the discrimination and injustice that so often color and guide the interactions between law enforcement officials and people of color.

Over time, Obama became an increasingly forceful voice, pledging to address the epidemic of incarceration that disproportionately affects people of color, and speaking out against what he described as “a long history of inequity in the criminal justice system in America.”

In July 2015, six-and a half years into his presidency, Obama gave his first major criminal justice speech to a crowd of more than 3,000 at the NAACP convention in Philadelphia. He declared that the U.S. criminal justice system was not as “smart” as it needs to be: “It’s not keeping us as safe as it should be. It is not as fair as it should be. Mass incarceration makes our country worse off, and we need to do something about it.”

But Obama was speaking at a time of crisis. In the previous year a new activism had taken hold across the country after several unarmed black men and boys died in confrontations with police officers, many of them recorded with cell phone video and police body cameras. They seemed ubiquitous on the internet, and the president saw it as a moment of reckoning.

“In recent years the eyes of more Americans have been opened to this truth,” Obama said. “Partly because of cameras, partly because of tragedy, partly because the statistics cannot be ignored, we can’t close our eyes anymore.”

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US President Barack Obama, alongside Charles Samuels (R), Bureau of Prisons Director, and Ronald Warlick (L), a correctional officer, tours a cell block at the El Reno Federal Correctional Institution in El Reno, Oklahoma, July 16, 2015. Obama is the first sitting US President to visit a federal prison, in a push to reform one of the most expensive and crowded prison systems in the world. AFP PHOTO / SAUL LOEB (Photo credit should read SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images)
President Obama, with Charles Samuels, right, then-director of the Bureau of Prisons, and Ronald Warlick, a correctional officer, tours a cell block at the El Reno Federal Correctional Institution in El Reno, Okla., in July 2015. (Saul Loeb/Agence France-Presse via Getty Images)

The next day, Obama became the first sitting president to visit a federal prison when he went to the El Reno Federal Correctional Institution in Oklahoma. His purpose was clear: “I’m going to shine a spotlight on this issue, because while the people in our prisons have made some mistakes — and sometimes big mistakes — they are also Americans, and we have to make sure that as they do their time and pay back their debt to society that we are increasing the possibility that they can turn their lives around.”

The images of the president of the United States inside a federal lockup were striking enough: His suggestion that he could have ended up there as a prisoner was startling.

“When they describe their youth, these are young people who made mistakes that aren’t that different from the mistakes I made, and the mistakes that a lot of you guys made,” Obama said. “The difference is that they did not have the kind of support structures, the second chances, the resources that would allow them to survive those mistakes.”

Obama and former U.S. attorney general Eric H. Holder Jr. helped launch a national conversation about mass incarceration and put in place several new criminal justice reform measures.

As part of a 2013 plan called Smart on Crime, Holder directed his prosecutors nationwide to stop bringing charges that would impose harsh mandatory minimum sentences, except in the most egregious cases.

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Holder said that criminal justice reform is a deeply personal issue for the president. He and Obama have had countless conversations over the years — since they met in 2004 — about how this country prosecutes and incarcerates its citizens, especially men and women of color.

Obama’s speech to the NAACP came three and a half years after Trayvon Martin, 17, was killed by George Zimmerman in Florida; a year after Eric Garner, 43, died after a police officer put him in a chokehold on Staten Island; 11 months after Michael Brown, 18, was shot and killed in Ferguson, Mo., by Officer Darren Wilson; eight months after Tamir Rice, 12, was killed by a Cleveland police officer; and three months before Walter Scott in South Carolina and Freddie Gray in Baltimore died after encounters with police officers.

The Michel Brown killing seemed to resonate especially widely and eventually gave birth to the Black Lives Matter movement. After Brown was killed, Obama was, initially, relatively quiet. As the protests and demonstrations spread, the administration dispatched Justice Department officials to Ferguson and closely monitored the demonstrations and riots that followed the shooting. But Obama deliberately avoided saying anything about the specifics of the case.

“I urge everyone in Ferguson, Missouri, and across the country, to remember this young man through reflection and understanding,” Obama said days after the shooting. “We should comfort each other and talk with one another in a way that heals, not in a way that wounds.”

Obama’s distance drew scorn from critics on the left, who thought he should be leading the conversation about police brutality. Detractors on the right portrayed the president and Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. as “anti-cop” crusaders. In November, after a grand jury declined to indict Wilson in the shooting, Obama went to the White House briefing room at 10 p.m. to urge calm. The address was carried live on cable news as a split screen showed police cars burning in Ferguson.

“We need to recognize that the situation in Ferguson speaks to broader challenges that we still face as a nation. The fact is, in too many parts of this country, a deep distrust exists between law enforcement and communities of color. Some of this is the result of the legacy of racial discrimination in this country. And this is tragic, because nobody needs good policing more than poor communities with higher crime rates.”

Black Lives Matter activist Brittany Packnett reflects on being invited to the Oval Office and maintains that while having a black president has helped her movement, “we still have work to do.” (Dalton Bennett/The Washington Post)

But in the months between Brown’s death and Wilson’s non-indictment, the frustration on the streets had begun to crystallize into a larger protest movement. It was a coalition made up of young black and brown activist groups that had formed after other racially charged incidents during the Obama years: the deaths of Jordan Davis and Oscar Grant, in addition to those of Martin and Garner. These groups took to the streets in dozens of cities to assert that “black lives matter,” in what was soon being declared a new social justice movement.

On Dec. 1, 2014, Obama announced he would host several of the most active Ferguson protesters in the White House, a meeting which was the first of several coming signals that the White House stood behind the tenets of the protest movement. Obama would spend much of 2015 declaring criminal justice issues as among his primary priorities.

In addition to the policing question, Obama focused on disparities in sentencing, particularly in drug cases. Holder said Obama saw the racial disparity of the decades-long war on drugs close up when he was a community organizer on the South Side of Chicago.

During his second year in office, Obama signed the Fair Sentencing Act. The law reduced the disparity in the penalties for crack and powder cocaine, which civil rights leaders had said for years unfairly punished African Americans.

Under the old law a person convicted of possessing five grams of crack cocaine, which is cheaper and more available in poor black communities, received a mandatory five-year prison sentence. But someone who possessed powder cocaine, used by more affluent whites, had to be holding 100 times that amount to get the same mandatory sentence. The new law narrowed that ratio from 100 to 1 to about 18 to 1. Sentencing reform advocates would like him to close the gap further.

Timeline of presidential

clemencies

There are two major forms of executive

clemency, pardons and commutations.

Commutations have the ability to reduce

a prisoner’s sentence fully or partially;

however, it does not change the conviction

or imply innocence. Pardons are an

expression of a president’s “forgiveness.”

While also not implying innocence, these

acts of clemency remove civil disabilities

many prisoners face such as the inability

to vote or sit on a jury.

Pardon

Commutation

Number of clemencies granted*

Jimmy Carter (1977-1981), 566 total

165 total clemencies

Ronald Reagan (1981-1989), 406 total

93

George H.W. Bush (1989-1993), 77 total

38

Bill Clinton (1993-2001), 459 total

President Clinton has awarded

the largest number of

clemencies, over 85 percent of

which were pardons.

More than 56 percent occurred

the last year of his presidency.

258

George W. Bush (2001-2009), 200 total

46

Barack Obama (2009-2016), 318 total

While President Obama hasn’t reached the number of clemencies Clinton granted, he has given the largest number of commutations to date — 248 total.

165

*Remissions not charted. **As of April 8.

Source: Department of Justice

Timeline of presidential clemencies

There are two major forms of executive clemency, pardons and commutations. Commutations have the ability to reduce a prisoner’s sentence fully or partially; however, it does not change the conviction or imply innocence. Pardons are an expression of a president’s “forgiveness.” While also not implying innocence, these acts of clemency remove civil disabilities many prisoners face such as the inability to vote or sit on a jury.

Pardon

Commutation

120

180

240

300

clemencies

granted*

0

60

Jimmy Carter

165 total clemencies

1977-1981

566

total

93

Ronald Reagan

1981-1989

406

total

George

H.W. Bush

1989-1993

77 total

38

President Clinton has

awarded the largest number of clemencies, over 85 percent

of which were pardons.

More than 56 percent occurred the last year of his presidency.

Bill Clinton

1993-2001

459

total

258

George W. Bush

2001-2009

200

total

46

While President Obama hasn’t reached the number of clemencies Clinton granted, he has given the largest number of commutations to date — 248 total.

Barack Obama

2009-2016

318 total**

165

Source: Department of Justice

*Remissions not charted. **As of April 8.

Timeline of presidential clemencies

There are two major forms of executive clemency, pardons and commutations. Commutations have the ability to reduce a prisoner’s sentence fully or partially; however, it does not change the conviction or imply innocence. Pardons are an expression of a president’s “forgiveness.” While also not implying innocence, these acts of clemency remove civil disabilities many prisoners face such as the inability to vote or sit on a jury.

300 clemencies granted*

258

Pardon

Commutation

President Clinton has

awarded the largest number of clemencies, over 85 percent

of which were pardons.

More than 56 percent occurred the last year of his presidency.

240

While President Obama hasn’t reached the number of clemencies Clinton granted, he has given the largest number of commutations to date — 248 total.

165 total clemencies

180

165

120

93

60

46

38

0

Jimmy Carter

Ronald Reagan

Bill Clinton

Barack Obama

George

H.W. Bush

George W. Bush

1977-1981

1981-1989

1993-2001

2001-2009

2009-2016

1989-1993

566 total

406 total

459 total

200 total

318 total**

77 total

Source: Department of Justice

*Remissions not charted. **As of April 8.

And overall, the results have been mixed. Many prosecutors are continuing to resist changes to mandatory minimum sentencing, and the administration’s initiatives have not made a significant dent in the number of inmates crowded into federal prisons.

In the key executive action that Obama can take to undo unfair sentences, he has granted clemency to 248 federal inmates. White House Counsel Neil Eggleston said that Obama has commuted the sentences of more people than the past five presidents combined and that “we expect that the president will grant more commutations and pardons to deserving individuals in his final year in office.”

But sentencing reform advocates have complained about the slow and cumbersome clemency process. They say that Obama raised hopes and expectations of all the federal inmates who meet the criteria established by the Justice Department but has not delivered for them.

This story is part of a virtual museum of President Barack Obama’s presidency. In five parts — The First Black President, Commander in Chief, Obama’s America, Obama and the World and The First Family — we explore the triumphs and travails of his historic tenure.

Room One
The First Black President
Illustrations by James Steinberg
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A hopeful moment on race
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Obama’s effort to heal racial divisions and uplift black America
Barack Obama's presidency signaled a "post-racial" America at first, but the racial conflict followed disproved that.

Barack Obama’s watershed 2008 election and the presidency that followed profoundly altered the aesthetics of American democracy, transforming the Founding Fathers’ narrow vision of politics and citizenship into something more expansive and more elegant. The American presidency suddenly looked very different, and for a moment America felt different, too.

The Obama victory helped fulfill one of the great ambitions of the civil rights struggle by showcasing the ability of extraordinarily talented black Americans to lead and excel in all facets of American life. First lady Michelle Obama, and daughters Sasha and Malia, extended this reimagining of black American life by providing a conspicuous vision of a healthy, loving and thriving African American family that defies still-prevalent racist stereotypes.

But some interpreted Obama’s triumph as much more.

SLUG: NA/OBAMA DATE: 10/31/08 CREDIT: Linda Davidson / staff/ The Washington Post LOCATION: Wicker Memorial Park, Gary, IN SUMMARY: Democratic Presidential candidate Barack Obama holds a rally in Gary, IN. PICTURED: Members of the crowd respond to Obama as he makes his way down the ropeline. Some seek to shake his hand, others want to touch his head, some just want a hug. StaffPhoto imported to Merlin on Fri Oct 31 23:06:03 2008
Members of the crowd in Gary, Ind., seek to shake the candidate's hand or touch his head as he thanks them for their support in October 2008. (Linda Davidson/The Washington Post)

The victory was heralded as the arrival of a “post-racial” America, one in which the nation’s original sin of racial slavery and post-Reconstruction Jim Crow discrimination had finally been absolved by the election of a black man as commander in chief. For a while, the nation basked in a racially harmonious afterglow.

A black president would influence generations of young children to embrace a new vision of American citizenship. The “Obama Coalition” of African American, white, Latino, Asian American and Native American voters had helped usher in an era in which institutional racism and pervasive inequality would fade as Americans embraced the nation’s multicultural promise.

Seven years later, such profound optimism seems misplaced. Almost immediately, the Obama presidency unleashed racial furies that have only multiplied over time. From the tea party’s racially tinged attacks on the president’s policy agenda to the “birther” movement’s more overtly racist fantasies asserting that Obama was not even an American citizen, the national racial climate grew more, and not less, fraught.

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS: NOVEMBER 6 -- President Barack Obama is re-elected to office in Chicago, Illinois, on Tuesday, November 6, 2012. (Photo by Nikki Kahn/The Washington Post)
President Obama is feted in Chicago on Nov. 6, 2012, the night he is elected to his second term as commander in chief. (Nikki Kahn/The Washington Post)

If racial conflict, in the form of birthers, tea partyers and gnawing resentments, implicitly shadowed Obama’s first term, it erupted into open warfare during much of his second. The Supreme Court’s 2013 decision in the Shelby v. Holder case gutted Voting Rights Act enforcement, throwing into question the signal achievement of the civil rights movement’s heroic period.

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Beginning with the 2012 shooting death of black teenager Trayvon Martin in Florida, the nation reopened an intense debate on the continued horror of institutional racism evidenced by a string of high-profile deaths of black men, women, boys and girls at the hands of law enforcement.

The organized demonstrations, protests and outrage of a new generation of civil rights activists turned the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter into the clarion call for a new social justice movement. Black Lives Matter activists have forcefully argued that the U.S. criminal justice system represents a gateway to racial oppression, one marked by a drug war that disproportionately targets, punishes and warehouses young men and women of color. In her bestselling book “The New Jim Crow,” legal scholar Michelle Alexander argued that mass incarceration represents a racial caste system that echoes the pervasive, structural inequality of a system of racial apartheid that persists.

DENVER, COLORADO: OCTOBER 24 -- A fan hugs President Barack Obama as he works the rope line following a rally at City Park in Denver, Colorado, on Wednesday, October 24, 2012. (Photo by Nikki Kahn/The Washington Post)
A supporter hugs President Obama as he works the rope line following a rally in Denver in October 2012. (Nikki Kahn/The Washington Post)

Obama’s first-term caution on race matters was punctured by his controversial remarks that police “acted stupidly” in the mistaken identity arrest of Henry Louis Gates Jr., Harvard University’s prominent African American studies professor, in 2009. Four years later he entered the breach once more by proclaiming that if he had a son, “he’d look like Trayvon.”

In the aftermath of racial unrest in Ferguson, Mo., and Baltimore, and a racially motivated massacre in Charleston, S.C., Obama went further. In 2015, Obama found his voice in a series of stirring speeches in Selma, Ala., and Charleston, where he acknowledged America’s long and continuous history of racial injustice.

Policy-wise Obama has launched a private philanthropic effort, My Brother’s Keeper, designed to assist low-income black boys, and became the first president to visit a federal prison in a call for prison reform that foreshadowed the administration’s efforts to release federal inmates facing long sentences on relatively minor drug charges.

Despite these efforts, many of Obama’s African American supporters have expressed profound disappointment over the president’s refusal to forcefully pursue racial and economic justice policies for his most loyal political constituency.

From this perspective, the Obama presidency has played out as a cruel joke on members of the African American community who, despite providing indispensable votes, critical support and unstinting loyalty, find themselves largely shut out from the nation’s post-Great Recession economic recovery. Blacks have, critics suggested, traded away substantive policy demands for the largely symbolic psychological and emotional victory of having a black president and first family in the White House for eight years.

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Others find that assessment harsh, noting that Obama’s most impressive policy achievements have received scant promotion from the White House or acknowledgment in the mainstream media.

History will decide the full measure of the importance, success, failures and shortcomings of the Obama presidency. With regard to race, Obama’s historical significance is ensured; only his impact and legacy are up for debate. In retrospect, the burden of transforming America’s tortured racial history in two four-year presidential terms proved impossible, even as its promise helped to catapult Obama to the nation’s highest office.

DES MOINES, IOWA: NOVEMBER 5 -- President Barack Obama wraps up his campaign with a final stop in downtown Des Moines, Iowa, on Monday, November 5, 2012. (Photo by Nikki Kahn/The Washington Post)
President Obama wraps up his campaign with a final stop in downtown Des Moines on Nov. 5, 2012. (Nikki Kahn/The Washington Post)

Obama’s presidency elides important aspects of the civil rights struggle, especially the teachings of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. King, for a time, served as the racial justice consciousness for two presidents — John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson. Many who hoped Obama might be able to serve both roles — as president and racial justice advocate — have been disappointed. Yet there is a revelatory clarity in that disappointment, proving that Obama is not King or Frederick Douglass, but Abraham Lincoln, Kennedy and Johnson. Even a black president, perhaps especially a black president, could not untangle racism’s Gordian knot on the body politic. Yet in acknowledging the limitations of Obama’s presidency on healing racial divisions and the shortcomings of his policies in uplifting black America, we may reach a newfound political maturity that recognizes that no one person — no matter how powerful — can single-handedly rectify structures of inequality constructed over centuries.

Peniel Joseph is professor of history and director of the Center for the Study of Race and Democracy and the LBJ School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas.

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The speech on race that saved Obama’s candidacy
Barack Obama’s 2008 campaign was almost derailed after racially charged sermons by his former minister, Jeremiah Wright of Chicago's Trinity United Church of Christ were released. After initiall downplaying the controversy, Obama faced it head on during his "A more perfect union" speech given in Philadelphia at the National Consitution Center.
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The beer summit
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On a bridge in Selma
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If I had a son, he would look like Trayvon.

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Some young Americans have known only one president in their lifetime.

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Crime, justice and race
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A record 69
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Room Two
Commander in Chief
Illustrations by Brian Stauffer
Perspectives on the president of a nation at war:

Has he failed to understand the nature of war or shown the virtues of patience to win the long game?

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On war and leadership
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The parade of generals
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We won some good fights and we lost the war.

Thomas Gibbons-Neff
Former Marine infantryman
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A tour of duty
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One enemy after another
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No matter how justified, war promises human tragedy.

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Words of war and peace
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The last convoy
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The rise of ISIS
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Weighing intervention
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An army of drones
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Struggle after service
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After the killing of Osama bin Laden,
69
of Americans approved of Obama’s efforts to stem terrorism.
Source: Washington Post-ABC News polls, 2011
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Fear at home
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Your fight, your stories
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Room Three
Obama’s America
Illustrations by Thandiwe Tshabalala
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Eight turbulent years
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Anyone claiming that America’s economy is in decline is peddling fiction.

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Economic brinksmanship
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The price of Obamacare
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A new state of unions
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Shots fired
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A cultural shift
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‘Healing the planet’
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Making presidential comedy
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A mark in the wilderness
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While the nation’s economy recovered steadily, over
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Americans said the country was on the wrong track.
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American reactions
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Your America
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Room Four
Obama and the World
Illustrations by Jasu Hu
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Determined restraint
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For Muslims, unanswered prayers
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Open hand, clenched fist
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Talking to Tehran
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Closer now – and cigars!
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In 2015 and 2016, an average
60
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Standing in the world
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Friends, adversaries
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A pivot to Asia
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52 trips.
58 countries.
217 days
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Air Force One miles
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Your worldview
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Room Five
The First Family
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The Obama family has really uplifted the image of the black family from the moment we saw them.

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The first lady’s last stand
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He does not walk. He strolls with a black man’s head-up posture.

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White House parents
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In fall 2009,
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The most popular of them all?
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The O’Bidens
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The first dogs
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Obama’s Legacy
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Credits
Credits
Editing
  • Terence Samuel, project editor
  • Allison Michaels, project manager, digital editor
  • Shannon Croom, multiplatform editor
  • Courtney Rukan, multiplatform editor
  • Emily Chow, graphics assignment editor
Design and development
  • Seth Blanchard
  • Emily Yount
Illustrations
  • Suzette Moyer, art director
  • James Steinberg, illustrator (The First Black President)
  • Brian Stauffer, illustrator (Commander in Chief)
  • Thandiwe Tshabalala, illustrator (Obama’s America)
  • Jasu Hu, illustrator (Obama and the World)
  • Erin K. Robinson, illustrator (The First Family)
Video
  • Dalton Bennett
  • Gillian Brockell
  • Bastein Inzaurralde
  • Claritza Jimenez
  • Ashleigh Joplin
  • Whitney Leaming
  • Osman Malik
  • Zoeann Murphy
  • Erin O’Conner
  • Sarah Parnass
  • Mahnaz Rezaie
  • Jorge Ribas
  • Whitney Shefte
  • Peter Stevenson
Photo editing
  • Stephen Cook
  • Robert Miller
  • Kenneth Dickerman
  • Wendy Galietta
  • Bronwen Latimer
  • Dee Swann
Writing and reporting
  • Derek Chollet
  • Elliot Cohen
  • Christian Davenport
  • Ivo H. Daalder
  • Mike DeBonis
  • Karen DeYoung
  • Juliet Eilperin
  • Michael Fletcher
  • Thomas Gibbons-Neff
  • Robin Givhan
  • Will Haygood
  • Sari Horwitz
  • Greg Jaffe
  • Peniel Joseph
  • Paul Kane
  • Wesley Lowery
  • David Maraniss
  • Greg Miller
  • Steven Mufson
  • David Nakamura
  • John Pomfret
  • Missy Ryan
  • Peter Slevin
  • Kevin Sullivan
  • Krissah Thompson
  • Neely Tucker
  • William Wan
  • Vanessa Williams
Research and graphics
  • Darla Cameron
  • Scott Clement
  • Emily Guskin
  • Tim Meko
  • Stephanie Stamm
  • Aaron Steckelberg
  • Elise Viebeck