Sen. Bob Corker, R-Tenn., surrounded by, from left, his wife Elizabeth, left, daughters Emily, Julia Spickard and her husband Justin Spickard, speaks to supporters at an election night victory rally at the Cabana Restaurant on Tuesday, Nov. 6, 2012, in Nashville, Tenn. (Mark Zaleski/ASSOCIATED PRESS)

In 2007, in the wake of the biggest lobbying scandal in decades, Congress limited the ability of family members to lobby their relatives in the House or Senate. But it declined to ban the practice entirely.

Since then, 56 relatives of lawmakers have been paid to influence Congress. More than 500 firms have spent more than $400 million on lobbying teams that include the relatives of members, according to a Washington Post analysis of disclosure forms.

The Post analysis shows that the interests of lawmakers and their relatives have overlapped to varying degrees on bills before Congress. In the past six years, for example, 36 congressional relatives — including spouses, children, siblings, parents and in-laws — have been paid to influence 250 bills passing through their family members’ congressional committees or sponsored by the members.

All of this is legal under the rules Congress has written for itself.

That lawmakers have relatives working as lobbyists has been widely reported over the years. Lawmakers have consistently said their relatives don’t lobby them directly. The 2007 overhaul prohibited spouses from direct lobbying but gave other relatives more leeway.

For the first time since the changes, however, The Post examination reveals the extent to which relatives are still paid to work on issues before their family members.

“It’s a technique of throwing money at the feet of the congressman who can influence my business,” said Craig Holman, a campaign finance and government ethics lobbyist for Public Citizen.

The family ties are another example of the intersection of lawmakers’ public and private interests, which The Post has been documenting in a year-long series. Earlier articles revealed lawmakers who secured earmarks for projects near properties they own, traded in stocks of companies lobbying on bills before them and pushed legislation affecting industries in which they had financial interests.

To examine lobbying, the newspaper mined a range of public documents, including records of lawmakers’ family connections compiled by, a nonpartisan Web site that tracks congressional disclosures. The Post culled thousands of quarterly lobbyist disclosure reports and tracked legislation through the House and Senate to identify instances in which relatives were paid to lobby on matters that came before their congressional relatives.

In the mid-2000s, the Jack Abramoff lobbying scandal helped pressure lawmakers to pass ethics revisions. The 2007 Honest Leadership and Open Government Act imposed disclosure rules on earmarks, banned gifts from lobbyists and, for the first time, addressed the behavior of lobbyists related to lawmakers.

The changes restrict — but do not prohibit — relatives of members from lobbying Congress. In the House, the overhaul does prohibit people from lobbying their lawmaker spouses or their offices. In the Senate, the rules went further and prohibited spouses and all immediate family members from being paid to lobby anyone in the Senate.

But the laws left a lot of space for relatives.

A look at the year of the Conflicts project

For example, in the Senate, a son-in-law is free to lobby his in-laws. In the House, lawmakers may be lobbied by their children and parents.

“I was arguing there should be an absolute ban,” Holman said. Lawmakers had no interest. “The reform that was passed is so narrow, it is easily sidestepped.”

Most relatives — 48 of the 56 — began their careers as congressional lobbyists only after they had family members elected to the House or Senate, records show.

Several lawmakers contacted by The Post said they impose firewalls between their public duties and their family ties. They also maintained that their votes were not influenced when companies hired their relatives.

The father of Rep. William Lacy Clay (D-Mo.) was hired to lobby on two bills his son helped shape, records show. Under the 2007 changes, fathers like Clay Sr. are not prohibited from lobbying their sons in the House.

“No member of my family has ever discussed with me, or attempted to influence my actions regarding any pending legislation,” Rep. Clay said in a statement provided by his spokesman. “Many retired Members of Congress register as federal lobbyists, as allowed under the law. I would never tolerate or engage in any situation that presented even the appearance of a conflict of interest, or any violation of the rules of the U.S. House.”

The younger Clay, who in 2001 succeeded his father in office, co-sponsored a proposed law in 2010 that would give investors the right to sue people who help others commit securities fraud. His father, William Lacy Clay Sr., was hired to lobby on behalf of attorneys who bring investor lawsuits. The group paid $220,000 to the firm that employed Clay and three others to lobby on the bill and other issues.

The elder Clay did not respond to requests for comment.

Family of lobbyists, lawmakers

Combining lobbying and legislating is a family tradition for Rep. Jo Ann Emerson (R-Mo.). Her father was executive director of the Republican National Committee. In the 1970s, decades before she entered Congress, she married a lobbyist, Bill Emerson. He was elected to the House in 1980 to represent rural southern Missouri. While her husband served in Congress, Jo Ann Emerson lobbied for the restaurant and insurance industries.

When Bill Emerson died of cancer in 1996, Jo Ann Emerson went from lobbying to holding her husband’s seat and has kept it since for a 32-year family run. After the Republicans’ takeover of the House two years ago, Jo Ann Emerson became chairman of the appropriations subcommittee that handles the budgets of the Treasury Department, the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Internal Revenue Service, the District of Columbia and other agencies. She also serves on the appropriations subcommittee that budgets the Food and Drug Administration and Agriculture Department.

As she serves in Congress, her daughters have continued the family tradition of lobbying.

Older daughter Tori Emerson Barnes has lobbied since 2005 for General Motors. Younger daughter Katharine Emerson began lobbying for Monsanto the year her mother became subcommittee chairman, records show.

Jo Ann Emerson was re-elected with 72 percent of the vote in November, but announced this month that she is leaving office to run a lobbying organization, the National Rural Electric Cooperative Association. Her predecessor, another former congressman, received a compensation package of more than $1.6 million in 2010. She’s not leaving until January or February, so for two months she will be in the unusual position of serving in Congress while already having an outside job lined up with an organization that lobbies Congress.

The 2007 changes on family lobbying put no restrictions at all on the daughters of House members. Katharine Emerson and Tori Emerson Barnes are allowed to lobby their mother and her staff and her colleagues. Even if they don’t lobby their mother, the companies that are paying them have full teams of lobbyists that regularly seek to influence bills pending before her.

Last year, Monsanto spent $7.4 million on its 21-member lobbying team, according to lobbying disclosure reports. In the period that Katharine Emerson has been on the team, Monsanto has reported lobbying on two bills co-sponsored by Rep. Emerson and seven others that went through her committee and subcommittees.

Since 2007, Tori Emerson Barnes’s team of General Motors lobbyists has tried to influence 15 bills co-sponsored by Emerson and 18 that have gone through her committee and subcommittees — including the financial bailout that included General Motors, measures on fuel-economy standards and defense appropriations. GM spent $5.4 million last year with 58 lobbyists.

Asked about the possibility of a conflict of interest, Rep. Emerson and the firms, speaking on behalf of her daughters, said they all employ a higher standard of ethics than Congress mandates. They all say they forbid any contact between lobbyists and their family members in office.

“I have never voted or acted on an issue as a result of Monsanto’s or General Motors’ support or opposition to it,” Rep. Emerson said in a statement released by her office. “I do not know on what issues my daughters work for their employers. We never, ever discuss their work. My daughters do not influence my opinion of, or action on, any issue before Congress.”

“GM’s own strict conflict-of-interest standards prohibit Ms. Barnes from lobbying Congresswoman Emerson,” said Greg Martin, a GM spokesman.

“Any employee of Monsanto may not lobby their own relatives, a relative’s office or on any legislation affiliated with the relative or the committees on which they serve,” said company spokesman Lee Quarles. “We understand that our policy is more than the law requires.”

Son-in-law lobbyist

In 2007, Sen. Harry M. Reid (D-Nev.) introduced a bill to compel the federal government to give the city of Henderson, Nev., 500 acres near an airport for development.

While the bill was pending, Henderson spent $240,000 over two years for two District lawyers to lobby on it and other issues, records show. One of the lawyers was Steven G. Barringer, Reid’s son-in-law.

The 2007 overhaul imposed no limits on who Barringer, as a son-in-law, may lobby in Congress.

Barringer is married to Reid’s daughter, Lana, and has lobbied Congress since 1999, representing dozens of clients. Barringer has lobbied on legislation for Henderson since 2001, including two prior versions of Reid’s land bill that failed to pass, records show.

Reid’s 2007 bill to transfer land to the city died in that session, but Reid — the Senate majority leader and the most powerful man in the chamber — ensured that the provision was in the 2009 Omnibus Public Land Management Act, which did become law. The city paid an additional $60,000 to Barringer’s firm, records show.

A month after the land act passed, Reid introduced another bill to convey 2,400 acres of land in Clark and Nye counties to the state for college campuses. Henderson, which is located in Clark County, spent $180,000 over 18 months for lobbying by Barringer’s firm. The proposal died that session but has been reintroduced this year in Congress.

In the current Congress, Reid has sponsored another law that would convey 948 acres at an abandoned mine site to the city for redevelopment. Henderson has spent $60,000 for lobbying by Barringer and his colleague on the bill and other issues.

Barringer did not return calls and e-mails seeking comment.

His law firm, Holland & Hart, also declined to comment.

A spokeswoman for Reid said Barringer does not lobby the lawmaker’s office.

“We have a longstanding office policy that strictly bars any member of the staff’s family or the Senator’s family from lobbying our office on behalf of their clients,” Kristen Orthman wrote.

“That policy applies in this case.”

Orthman said that these bills have had bipartisan support from most, if not all, of the Nevada delegation.

That Barringer and one of Reid’s sons lobbied Congress was included in an extensive 2003 Los Angeles Times report. The newspaper reported that Reid’s legislation or actions in office stood to benefit special interests employing his family members.

Since 2004, Barringer has continued to work for Henderson and has been hired to lobby for mining, gambling and developer clients on issues including three bills co-sponsored by his father-in-law, records indicate.

This year, Henderson ended its government affairs contract with Barringer and his firm because of budget cuts, according to a letter the city sent the firm.

One of Reid’s sons, Josh Reid, was named Henderson’s city attorney last year. Through a city spokeswoman, he declined to comment.

In 2007, Reid was the sponsor of the Senate ethics bill that included the lobbying changes. In a news release, Reid said the law would “deliver to the American people a government as good and honest as the people it represents.”

Lobbying in-laws

The American Petroleum Institute in July 2011 hired former House staffer Justin Spickard and employed him as a lobbyist.

Spickard had worked as a legislative aide to Sen. Bob Corker (R-Tenn.) and, in September 2011, married the senator’s daughter.

Five of the bills Spickard was listed as lobbying on came before his father-in-law’s committees, and a sixth one was co-sponsored by Corker.

That bill, introduced in November 2011, was intended to force the completion of the stalled Keystone Pipeline, a project to transport oil from Canada to the Gulf Coast.

Spickard was one of eight lobbyists working on the Keystone bill on behalf of the petroleum trade group.

The institute has spent $7.7 million overall on lobbying efforts that have included Spickard and bills passing before two of Corker’s committees.

Under the 2007 overhaul, Spickard is not prohibited from lobbying his father-in-law’s office. But he has not done so, said Eric Wohlschlegel, a spokesman for the institute.

Spickard referred questions to Wohlschlegel, who provided a statement that the institute follows all lobbying rules and has the “highest ethical standards.”

Corker’s chief of staff, Todd Womack, also said that Spickard has never lobbied their office. He noted that Spickard is moving his family to Tennessee and will no longer be working as a federal lobbyist.

Since the 2007 changes, half a dozen clients seeking defense funding have retained Cynthia Young through her firms to lobby the House and Senate. Two of her clients received $3.6 million in earmarks through bills originating in the House Appropriations Committee in 2007 and 2009.

She reported that those two clients spent $330,000 on her lobbying efforts.

Her father-in-law, Rep. C.W. Bill Young (Fla.), was the ranking Republican on the defense subcommittee at the time. He now chairs the subcommittee.

Harry Glenn, Young’s chief of staff, said by e-mail that other lawmakers requested those earmarks and they were fully disclosed as required by House rules.

“Ms. Young worked through those members of Congress in support of these projects,” Glenn said. “The projects were vetted by the staff and included in the bill by the Chairman of the Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense.”

Cynthia Young declined to answer questions but said in a brief conversation that her lobbying business “has been closed down for about a year.”

Bobbye Pratt and Kimberly Kindy contributed to this report.