RICHMOND — Republican Glenn Youngkin’s slim but decisive victory Tuesday in the governor’s race promises a sharp turn in policy for Virginia, where Democrats have spent two years enacting a remarkably liberal agenda for a Southern state that had long trended red.

Gov. Ralph Northam (D) will meet with Youngkin on Thursday to begin setting up the transition and show him around the Executive Mansion. Legislative leaders of both parties called Wednesday to congratulate the governor-elect, who spent lunchtime at McLean’s Restaurant in Richmond. He planned an evening appearance with Tucker Carlson on Fox News.

At the same time, Republican Jason S. Miyares officially won the close race for attorney general, completing a sweep along with Republican Winsome E. Sears as lieutenant governor. The House of Delegates seemed set to tilt red, as well, with Republicans likely to win a majority.

But as the official machinery began turning in Richmond, constituents and interest groups jockeyed to take measure of a political newcomer in the governor’s office whom many had never met. The big question: Just how drastic is the change Youngkin has in mind?

The former co-CEO of the Carlyle Group private equity firm ran on a moderately conservative platform of tax cuts and economic development. But he also stoked culture-war issues of race and transgender identity in schools.

He rarely mentioned Donald Trump on the campaign trail, but he allowed surrogates to appear with right-wing provocateur and former Trump adviser Stephen K. Bannon and invoke baseless claims about 2020 election fraud.

His opponent in the governor’s race, Democrat Terry McAuliffe, hinged his candidacy on branding Youngkin as “Trumpkin” or “Trump in khakis.”

A majority of voters didn’t buy it.

But on Wednesday, state Sen. Amanda F. Chase — a self-styled Trump wannabe who sometimes acted as a surrogate for Youngkin at campaign events — tweeted that with his victory, “I look forward to seriously pursuing a full forensic audit of the 2020 Pres Election.” Joe Biden won Virginia by 10 points, and there has been no evidence of significant fraud.

Several lobbyists who represent business interests in Richmond said they would have been comfortable with either Youngkin or McAuliffe in the Executive Mansion. They have no doubts the Republican will be friendly toward business, and they see the likely Republican takeover of the House as a bonus.

“I think most lobbyists are looking forward to a little more pro-business environment,” said David Albo, a former Republican delegate who now works as a lobbyist.

But some wondered how hard Youngkin might push conservative social issues, warning that such a tack could scare away big corporations and their jobs. The way Youngkin has tried to duck or finesse certain issues, such as abortion or gay rights, feeds their concern, they said.

“There is a mystery, there’s some uncertainty about him,” said one Richmond business leader, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to avoid offending the incoming administration.

A Democratic official who also spoke on the condition of anonymity to avoid offending Youngkin put it this way: “We don’t know this guy. He could govern like a Larry Hogan, he could govern like a Ted Cruz,” he said, referring to the Republican governor of blue state Maryland and the deep-red senator from Texas who stumped for Youngkin ahead of the Virginia GOP convention.

Early in the campaign, Youngkin regularly touted that his top economic policy adviser was Stephen Moore, who had served a similar role for Trump. Youngkin said he was interested in the possibility of eliminating Virginia’s personal income tax, a tactic in line with what Moore has pushed in other states — most infamously in Kansas, where the loss of revenue from income tax cuts wrecked the state budget. The Republican legislature had to undo the policy.

About 70 percent of Virginia’s yearly operating budget is generated by the income tax, so eliminating it would create an enormous crater in funding for everything from schools to police departments. Youngkin eventually backed away from that idea; his campaign said it was “aspirational” and that he favors cutting taxes as much as possible.

Youngkin has been more coy about his position on abortion. A liberal activist posing as a supporter caught him on a recording in July saying he had to limit his antiabortion comments for fear of alienating independent voters but that he would go “on offense” if he won office and Republicans took a majority in the House of Delegates.

Both of those things have happened. Publicly, he hasn’t given many specifics about his approach to the issue, other than that he would not sign a law like the near-total ban enacted in Texas, and that he opposes abortion except in cases of rape, incest or threat to the life of the mother.

Similarly, Youngkin has been vague on the hot-button topic of guns. His ticket mates both were endorsed by the National Rifle Association, but Youngkin was not, because he declined to fill out the powerful organization’s issue survey. While he has spoken broadly about support for Second Amendment rights, the governor-elect has not addressed many detailed gun policies.

Youngkin’s most specific set of policy proposals is the “Day One” agenda he released at the end of August.

The centerpiece is a package of one-time tax cuts totaling about $1.8 billion and recurring tax cuts amounting to about $1.4 billion per year.

The cuts include one-time rebates of $300 for individual taxpayers and $600 for couples filing jointly; suspending an increase in the state’s gasoline tax; and enacting a tax holiday for small businesses.

In the recurring part of the package, he proposed doubling the state’s standard income-tax deduction, making it $9,000 for an individual and $18,000 for a couple filing jointly.

Another proposal that generated popular support on the campaign trail was eliminating the state’s 2.5 percent tax on groceries.

His aides said they were confident that the state could absorb the loss of annual revenue at current expected economic growth rates.

While Youngkin likes to say he would make these changes on “day one,” in fact they all would require action by the General Assembly. Republicans appear set to take back control of the House next year, but Democrats maintain a 21-to-19 advantage in the state Senate — meaning Youngkin will have to work across the aisle to get things done.

Youngkin also promises — on “day one” — to spend about $100 million to create 20 new charter schools around the state, another step that would require approval from the legislature and time to implement.

All summer, his biggest applause line at Republican rallies has been a vow to immediately ban the teaching of critical race theory in public schools. Given that the academic concept about systemic racism is not in Virginia’s K-12 curriculum, and that curriculum policy is generally carried out by the state Board of Education, not the governor’s office, it’s not entirely clear what action Youngkin will take, though he could issue an executive order expressing the priority of the governor on the topic.

Youngkin also will have the opportunity to seek to undo some of the policy changes that Democrats have enacted over the past two years, when they took control of both the legislature and the Executive Mansion for the first time in a generation.

Big initiatives such as legalizing marijuana and abolishing the death penalty had some bipartisan support during the legislative process, and would be hard — but not impossible — to undo.

But Youngkin has spoken more directly about replacing members of the state’s parole board and tightening criminal penalties, as well as cutting regulations.

“To fix what is broken,” he said at one point during the campaign, “we can’t settle for half-measures, we need a whole new approach to absolutely uproot the liberal bureaucracy that has taken hold of Richmond and to make government accountable to the people again.”

On Wednesday, Northam issued a statement congratulating Youngkin but also praising Democrats for enacting “the most progressive agenda in the country.”

Some of the items he mentioned, though, were matters of bipartisan consensus: boosting the state’s financial reserves, “making Virginia the best state for business and for workers,” expanding access to universal broadband and “investing a record amount in public education.”

But Northam also promoted clean energy, with Democrats setting a course for carbon-free electricity by later this century. Youngkin has argued that the goal is impractical. And while Northam touts coronavirus vaccination rates, Youngkin has said he believes vaccinations are important but that he will never require them and will never impose economic shutdowns to fight the pandemic.

The broader question about Youngkin involves matters of tone and culture. McAuliffe, for instance, ran for governor on a call to make the state more welcoming and inclusive to people of all sexual orientations to attract new businesses and jobs. Youngkin has suggested that he is personally opposed to same-sex marriage, but his campaign later clarified that he will respect the law, which permits it.

While the governor-elect embraced culture-war issues to build enthusiasm among the Trump base of the GOP — “election integrity,” critical race theory, parents objecting to certain books in school classrooms — he also spent the summer introducing himself to voters as friendly and nonthreatening.

The lanky, 6-foot-5-inch former college basketball player spent $20 million of his personal fortune promoting his background as a homegrown Virginian. His uniform of white button-down shirt, khakis and red fleece vest is the antithesis of the boxy Trump power suit.

One former colleague at the Carlyle Group, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the governor-elect candidly, said the affable, deeply religious Youngkin had never shown sympathy for Trump in the workplace. This person chalked up Youngkin’s embrace of Trump to pure political calculation.

“I’ve talked to so many people who said, ‘I can’t believe Glenn’s in bed with the Trumpers,’ ” the person said. “Well, you can’t get the nomination otherwise.”

Correction: An earlier version of this article incorrectly reported the restaurant where Gov.-elect Glenn Youngkin had lunch Wednesday. It was McLean’s Restaurant in Richmond. This story has been corrected.