You had to watch it to believe it.

President Trump, in an 80-minute news conference, provided the full spectrum of Trumpian syndromes — the insistence on reducing all international relations to “he’s my friend” or “he likes me”; his reflexive lying (the U.N. General Assembly attendees, he falsely insisted, were laughing with him, not at him); the self-contradictions (e.g., claiming women accusing Judge Brett M. Kavanaugh of sexual misconduct were part of a con job, but allowing that he might decide they were truthful after listening to one of the accusers); his moral vacuity (no FBI investigation, because it would not change Democrats’ minds, as though Republicans might not be enlightened and the search for truth meaningless); his indecisiveness (once ready to fire Deputy Attorney General Rod J. Rosenstein, Trump now says he may stick around); and the nonstop self-congratulations about matters small and large. No matter how many times a non-fact is easily debunked — he “won the women’s vote” (no, just white women) — he’ll never stop repeating it.

Throw in his meandering speaking style (in which one sentence hovers in suspension and then collides with the next unrelated thought), and you have someone whom Rosenstein, the interviewees in Bob Woodward’s book and the unnamed New York Times op-ed writer could well have concluded was not mentally or temperamentally stable.

Most damning to him and his Supreme Court nominee was the president’s emphatic agreement that sexual-misconduct accusations against him (which he falsely said numbered only 4, and then falsely said the accusers received money) “absolutely” influenced his thinking. In other words, as an accused sexual predator, he has sympathy for another accused sexual predator. This is NOT being a helpful character witness (I suppose that’s what it is) and, moreover, it forces Republicans into a position where they seem to be vindicating both Trump and Kavanaugh.

It also didn’t help Kavanaugh that Trump essentially said he would withdraw Kavanaugh’s nomination if his accuser did better than he on television. The nominee, therefore, risks going out and being pulled, essentially for being bad on TV, with the public left to think Trump believed his accuser to be truthful.

On the foreign-policy front, the president claimed that he rejected a meeting with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. He then revealed he has a childlike belief in his ability to get Iran to give up its nuclear program:

It doesn’t matter what world leaders think on Iran. Iran’s going to come back to me, and they’re going to make a good deal, I think, maybe not — deals, you never know. But they’re suffering greatly. They’re having riots in every city, far greater than they were during the green period with President [Barack] Obama, far greater.
When President Obama stuck up for government, not the people, he probably would’ve had a much different Iran, had he not done that. But I’m sticking up for the people. I am with the people of Iran. But here’s the thing — they have rampant inflation. Their money is worthless. Everything is going wrong. They have riots in the street. You can’t buy bread. You can’t do anything. It’s a disaster.
At some point, I think they’re going to want to come back and they’re going to say, hey, can we do something? And I — very simple, I — I just don’t want them to have nuclear weapons. That’s all. Is that too much to ask? I don’t want them to have nuclear weapons. I want them to have a great economy.

Got that? His discourse on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict was possibly less coherent. A taste:

I’d love to be able to make a deal with the Israelis and the Palestinians. You know, my whole life I was told that’s the toughest deal. And I disagree, I think health care is probably tougher, okay, you want to know the truth.
But it is tough, but we’re going to take care of that too. That’s going to get taken care of. We’ve already taken care of a lot of it. But the whole — my life I’ve always heard the deal between, as you know, Israel and the Palestinians, that’s like the toughest deal.
Every possible thing is tough about that. I think we’re going to make a deal. I think we’re going to make a deal. So at one of our many meetings today, I was with [Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu, a man who I have a lot of respect for.
A man who’s been extremely nice to me, very happy that I did the whole thing with Jerusalem and the embassy, which by the way we got open in four months for less than $500,000 and the budget was over a billion dollars.
So we saved let’s say a billion dollars, that’s not so bad. And it’s open and it’s beautiful by the way, Jerusalem stone, one of my favorite stones. I will tell you the question somebody said today well this is the first news conference in a long time.
I said what do you mean? I did like five today. Every time I sit I take a lot of questions from people that are screaming like maniacs in the back of the room, meaning reporters. And one of the reporters, I won’t say that it was John Roberts that said that, our issues (ph).
But one of the — it was, but that’s OK, don’t feel guilty, John. But one of the reporters that was screaming asked about the one state two state, and I said I think the two state will happen, I think it’s one way more difficult because it’s a real estate deal, because you need meets and bounds and you need lots of carve outs and lots of everything.
It’s actually a little tougher deal, but another way it works better because you have people governing themselves and — so they asked me about that. I said well I think the two state will happen, I think we’re going to go down the two state road.
And I’m glad I got it out and Jared [Kushner], who’s so involved, he loves Israel. He loves Israel. But he’s also going to be very fair with the Palestinians. He understands it takes two people to be happy, two groups of people to be happy.
Everybody’s got to be happy and that’s why it’s so tough, because there’s been so much hatred and anger for so many years, that’s what probably the number one ingredient of toughness is.

Oh my. One can understand why his top foreign-policy officials have been known to call him an “idiot” or a “moron.”

The main takeaway, however, was that he loves the media attention, craves it, no matter how frequently he insults them. He plainly thinks he’s killing it. Little does he know, it’s not just U.N. delegates who are laughing at him.