Thompson was up against a prosecutorial climate that critics had long claimed valued convictions over all else, one that saw a death sentence as the professionâs brass ring.The New York Times reported in 2003 that prosecutors in Louisiana often threw parties after winning death sentences. They gave one another informal awards for murder convictions, including plaques with hypodermic needles bearing the names of the convicted. In Jefferson Parish, just outside of New Orleans, some wore neckties decorated with images of nooses or the Grim Reaper.One of Thompsonâs prosecutors, Orleans Parrish Assistant District Attorney James Williams, told the Los Angeles Times in 2007, âThere was no thrill for me unless there was a chance for the death penalty.âWilliams kept a replica electric chair on his desk. âIt was hooked up to a battery, so youâd get a little jolt when you touched it,â recalls Michael Banks, one of Thompsonâs attorneys. In 1995, Williams posed with this mini-execution chair in Esquire magazine. On the chairâs headboard, he had affixed the photos of the five men he had sent to death row, including Thompson. Of those five, two would later be exonerated and two more would have their sentences commuted.
Williams is no longer in office. But as James Gill writes in the New Orleans Advocate, the bloodlust persists in other parts of the state.
If it werenât for Caddo Parish, capital punishment would have been largely phased out in Louisiana by now.And Caddo largely owes its pre-eminence to just two prosecutors, Dale Cox and Hugo Holland. Of the eight death sentences handed down in the last five years, Cox takes credit for four and Holland for two. Such numbers suggest they approach their grisly duty with relish. Indeed Cox, who is chief assistant district attorney up there, recently said it is a shame that executions arenât more frequent . . .âI think we need to kill more people,â he said. He believes âweâre going the wrong way with the death penalty; we need it more than ever, and weâre using it less now.â He and Holland have certainly done their best to keep the executions coming.Holland is no longer on the DAâs staff in Caddo. He and another assistant, Leah Hall, who was also on the prosecution team in four of the successful capital cases, were fired in 2012 after obtaining a slew of automatic rifles from the Federal Property Assistance Agency to be used in the course of highly hazardous â but imaginary â joint operations with police and sheriffâs departments.Holland and Hall remain in the prosecution game in various Louisiana jurisdictions. Hall last year pulled a gun on a colleague in the Claiborne Parish DAâs office. Holland is currently under investigation by the state barâs Disciplinary Board for failing to turn over evidence favorable to David Brown, one of five Angola lifers tried in 2012 for the murder of a guard. Brownâs death sentence was thrown out late last year.Cox, meanwhile, remains much possessed by death in Caddo Parish and is fond of invoking Scripture when urging juries to show no mercy.
That sort of attitude is particularly frightening given two other factors: The number of exonerations in the state, and the complete lack of accountability for prosecutors who break the rules. As I pointed out in my 2013 article, one of the points Justice Clarence Thomas made in his majority opinion in the Thompson case was that discipline and sanctions from state bar associations are a sufficient deterrent to prosecutor conduct (as opposed to civil or municipal liability). The problem? In both the state and municipality that gave rise to the Thompson case, bad prosecutors have been punished somewhere between barely and never. Perhaps more importantly, this has continued to be the case since the Thompson ruling came down. Longtime defense attorney Sam Dalton decided to test Thomasâs theory in the Thompson case â that state bars were a good way to keep prosecutors in check â by filing complaints with the Louisiana State Barâs Office Disciplinary Counsel.
Dalton filed eight complaints with the ODC in October 2011. By the following March, he had yet to even hear confirmation that the ODC had received his complaints. He sent another letter. He still received no response. In August of last year, he sent a colleague to the ODC office to at least make sure the complaints had been delivered. She was told that they hadnât. Daltonâs colleague then produced the name of the ODC staffer who had signed for the FedEx package containing the complaints. At that point, the office conceded that it had in fact received the complaints, but was still researching them, and would notify Dalton by the end of the month. When he had received no response by the middle of September â nearly a year after his initial filing â Dalton sent yet another letter. As of this writing, he still has yet to hear back from the ODC.
I published that article in August 2013. It has now been three-and-a-half years since Dalton filed his complaints. According to my sources, Dalton finally received notice that the office had received the complaints shortly after my article ran. Since then, he hasnât heard a thing.