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President Trump is stumbling toward his 100th day in office — an artificial benchmark he now describes as a “ridiculous standard” concocted by the media, but one he repeatedly invoked on the campaign trail. A flurry of stories on the Trump administration's early travails have deepened the sense that many White House officials were simply unprepared for the task. At almost every juncture, Trump's attempts at reform or drastic policy overhaul have been stymied by courts, denounced by political opponents or undermined by his own party.

But it's not just Trump who's having a tough time. Across the Atlantic, a coterie of far-right populists who saw Trump's electoral success as a bellwether for things to come now find their own political momentum blunted. Even Trump's own commitment to the ideologies animating Europe's right-wing populists is looking increasingly suspect.

What a difference a few months make.

In January, European far-right leaders such as France's Marine Le Pen and Dutch firebrand Geert Wilders convened a session of the continent's right-wing nationalists in the German city of Koblenz. They were in an optimistic mood. After Britain's vote for Brexit and Trump's shock win, their platform — hostile to immigrants, the European Union and globalization — seemed to be gaining ground.

Wilders announced the event on Twitter with a play on Trump's slogan, #WeWillMakeOurCountriesGreatAgain. “The world is changing. America is changing,” said Wilders. “Europe is changing. And the people start getting in charge again.”

Frauke Petry, leader of Germany's xenophobic AfD party, sent a message to Trump: “We as Germans and Europeans will follow your foreign policy position with hope, because it is refreshingly different from the course of the past decades.”

Le Pen praised Trump's apparent euroskepticism and his resistance to Syrian refugees. "2016 was the year the Anglo-Saxon world woke up,” she said. “I am certain 2017 will be the year when the people of continental Europe wake up. We are experiencing the end of one world and the birth of another. We are experiencing the return of nation-states.”

But if another world is going to be born, it's still very much in gestation. In Dutch parliamentary elections last month, Wilders and his Freedom Party underperformed and find themselves once more in the wilderness of opposition. Petry, once a rising star, stunned supporters last week when she announced she would not be the AfD's nominee for chancellor in September's parliamentary elections. The AfD, a pariah in German politics, is expected to come third at best.

And Le Pen, of course, is contesting a presidential run-off vote next weekend against centrist Emmanuel Macron — an election she may lose by a wide margin. Contrary to expectations earlier this year, she didn't even place first in the first round. Now she and her National Front must stave off an emphatic defeat at the hands of precisely the sort of liberal globalist they revile.

“Le Pen and populists across Europe want to believe that momentum is on their side, but a decisive loss would suggest there may have been unique circumstances in the U.K. and the U.S, such as former British Prime Minister David Cameron's ill-fated decision to put the EU question to a referendum and Russia's intervention in the U.S. election, which made the trend appear stronger than it actually is,” wrote Philip Gordon of the Council on Foreign Relations. The council's president agrees:

Some observers say the Trump presidency may have spooked European voters. The swan song of populism may work during elections, particularly at a time of pronounced voter disillusionment with the status quo. But the reality of an unsteady and potentially destabilizing leader in power made some voters think again. In some cases, it's too late: For the first time since the Brexit referendum, a poll published this week found that a majority of Britons regret the decision to leave the European Union.

Trump, meanwhile, irked many of his cheerleaders in Europe with his aggressive actions overseas. Le Pen, who stopped making reference to the American president in the build-up to the French election, disapproved of Trump's missile strike on a Syrian regime airfield in early April.

“Trump had said repeatedly that he didn’t intend the United States to be the world’s policeman any longer, and that is exactly what he did yesterday,” said Le Pen a day after the strike.

Moreover, the influence of a group of ultranationalist ideologues in the White House with close links to Europe's far right appears to have waned. Michael Flynn, the ousted national security adviser, is now under investigation over payments he received from the Kremlin. Stephen K. Bannon, Trump's chief strategist, seems locked in a losing battle for power inside the White House with Trump's more moderate son-in-law, Jared Kushner. The White House has soft-peddled or flip-flopped on many of the protectionist promises Trump made on the campaign trail — promises that won praise from populists across the pond. And its new tax plan seems like a gift to a narrow segment of rich elites and delivers not much for everyone else.

Of course, it's far too early to write off the West's ethno-nationalist moment. More people are voting for far-right candidates than ever before in Western Europe. And other more centrist politicians are adapting their platforms to co-opt the populist vote.

“Anger about neoliberal globalization’s obvious injustices and the overwhelming aspects of cultural modernization has not dissipated,” wrote Thomas Greven, a political scientist at the Free University of Berlin. “Politicians in the E.U. will continue to use Brussels as a punching bag to deflect criticism of their own policies. Like Prime Minister Mark Rutte in the Netherlands, they will also cater at least somewhat to the populists’ xenophobia and Islamophobia to win elections.”

But Trump and his European fellow travelers all dreamed of tearing down the hated establishment. Now it's becoming clear they have no option but to work with it.

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