Right-wing populism, or right-wing nationalism, as it exists today is inherently conspiratorial. The entire premise is that immigrants, the “deep state,” elite media, violent cities and anti-religious left-wingers are out to destroy America as white Christians imagine it to be. The ideology is a conspiracy theory. The “Flight 93” election that pseudo-intellectuals promulgated to justify election of an unfit and racist narcissist for president posited that the risk to the United States — to civilization as a whole! — was so great that it justified any tactic (including Trump’s election) to prevent apocalypse.
Unlike other political ideologies — e.g., the government is the best tool for attacking inequality (democratic socialism); free markets are the best means of generating wealth (old-school conservatism); the purpose of government is to maximize freedom (e.g. libertarianism) — today’s right-wing populism has no goal other than propagation of the conspiracy and aggregation of power by a leader to prevent that supposed conspiracy.
As we have seen from Trump’s tenure, right-wing populism is not in service of a particular ideological goal but rather serves to keep the base in a constant state of fear and anger so that its leader can retain his grip on power. In fact, from an ideological perspective the movement is incoherent (e.g., supply-side taxes and tariffs, muscular foreign policy and slavish subservience to dictators). Critics of Trump have noted that “cruelty is the point” of his policies, not a disagreeable consequence. Likewise, conspiracies are the point of right-wing populism.
The difference between the dogma of right-wing populism — the deep state undermines the president, climate change is a hoax, we are facing an invasion of foreigners, etc. — and an ordinary political ideology (even one with which you strongly disagree) is that the former requires the suspension of rational thought, the obliteration of objective reality and the refusal to accept neutral sources of fact (or your own experiences, for that matter). It’s a cult, not amenable to factual rebuttal.
The most common tactic of self-styled “conservatives" who defend Trump is to point to places in which Trump’s incoherent policy spray intersects with their ideological preferences. This is the “But taxes …” or “But judges …” argument. It requires the enabler to ignore or minimize all of the things that undermine his ideological preference (e.g. forget crony capitalism and protectionism to focus on tax cuts; ignore the attacks on the rule of law and the appointment of blatantly unqualified judges to focus on the “good” judicial appointments).
Thus, Trump enablers can posit that Trump is tougher on foreign policy (because of defense spending, for instance) than was Hillary Clinton, even though the latter would not have coddled Russia, Saudi Arabia and North Korea, weakened NATO or abandoned human rights. It’s only by ignoring the insane premises of right-wing populism, the reign of chaos and the conservative values Trump destroys that “conservatives” can manage to defend a morally abhorrent, incompetent and anti-democratic president.
Clarity is important here in a media climate too prone to fall into false moral equivalences. That syndrome allows defenders and apologists to normalize Trump and to present once again the “Flight 93” false choice: Trump or civilizational destruction?
In fact, Trump’s right-wing populism is the most destructive force in contemporary democracies, which if unchecked, will erode the American creed (“All men are created equal …), democratic institutions, anti-totalitarian international alliances and fact-based governance.