She lost in 2018, but she kept going. “Together, Democratic and progressive Georgians focused on the successes revealed in 2018 and redoubled our commitment to dismantling the barriers of voter suppression,” she explained. “We raised even more funds, reengaged allies, and filed new lawsuits to mitigate the suppressive techniques that had been on obvious display in Georgia since 2010. I founded Fair Fight to energize, engage, and mobilize voters through advocacy and organizing. In partnership with voter defenders in Georgia and across the country, elections changed in 2020.”
The effort included litigation against voter suppression techniques, grass-roots organization, training for outreach volunteers and efforts to overcome hurdles ranging from Republicans’ voter roll purges to covid-19. It took six years for the New Georgia Project and its progeny to put together the multiracial coalition that produced President-elect Joe Biden’s victory in the 2020 presidential race. But Biden was not the only winner, as Abrams wrote:
In a tough down-ballot year for Democrats, Georgia was the only state in the country in which Democrats picked up seats in both chambers of our state legislature. In addition to re-electing heavily targeted Lucy McBath, Georgia earned the only Democratic Congressional pickup in the country in which district lines had not changed, with Carolyn Bourdeaux being elected to represent Gwinnett and Forsyth counties. We won district attorney races in some of our largest counties and just elected the first Latina District Attorney in Georgia’s history.
The “fast take” on the election was that suburban Whites delivered Georgia for Biden. They were part of the winning coalition, but just as critically, newly diverse suburbs lifted Biden to victory. (“[A]ccording to a post-election analysis by TargetSmart, turnout among black voters increased by about 20%; Hispanic voter participation soared by 72%; Asian-American turnout nearly doubled when compared to the 2016 election; and turnout among voters under the age of 30 also increased sharply, growing from about 14% of ballots cast to about 16%.”)
Democrats should draw a few lessons from this experience: First, red states are not static demographically. Where urban centers and new industries bring new voters (e.g., Asian Americans in Georgia, high-tech workers in Virginia), there are opportunities to shift the political environment from a White, culturally conservative bastion to a more diverse and progressive landscape in which delivery of services such as education and health care become determinative.
Second, Democrats cannot wait until an election year to get started. Texas Democrats might be frustrated to have not won in 2020, but they can build on advances achieved in Beto O’Rourke’s near-miss in 2018. That means years of investment of money, time and personnel to engage and cultivate a new electorate.
Third, you need people on the ground who can speak authentically to voters about common problems. In 2018, Abrams saw that a new coalition of rural Whites and urban African Americans had the same concerns about expanding Medicaid. “Identity politics," as she likes to say, is not about segmenting the population, but about understanding where voters are coming from and what their special circumstances require. Then it is about overcoming obstacles unique to their community to facilitate participation in elections.
States that have been moving Democratic can learn from Abrams’s successes. Texas, North Carolina and bizarrely unpredictable Florida need their own fleet of Stacey Abrams figures and groups — plus the investment of time and money.
For showing how political organizing really works, forging a new political identity for her state and, yes, helping to defeat President Trump, we can say, well done, Ms. Abrams.