If ever there were a moment for dialogue about how to avoid miscalculation with doomsday weapons, it’s now. This should begin with a bipartisan group of House and Senate leaders — who can talk with administration officials about strategic stability and prepare the way for eventual discussions between the United States and Russia.
Holding our breath on Russia because we’re so angry about its interference in the 2016 election is not a sensible strategy. Neither is our current endless partisan bickering about major issues, which for Moscow is a dream come true.
Trump’s possible withdrawal from the Open Skies Treaty was blasted on Monday as “reckless” by Rep. Eliot L. Engel (D-N.Y.), the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee. The treaty has its flaws, but, as Engel noted, it provides “important military transparency,” and withdrawal now “would further undermine America’s reliability as a stable and predictable partner when it comes to European security.”
The Open Skies issue, in truth, illustrates why we need renewed dialogue with Russia to update old pacts to fit new technology. The agreement, which took effect in 2002, grew out of a 1955 proposal by President Dwight D. Eisenhower for mutual surveillance flights to calm fears about sneak attacks. It provides for regular reconnaissance overflights by the 34 ratifiers, with the imagery shared later with those nations.
The value of the agreement isn’t the surveillance photos: The United States and Russia can both get better imagery from their spy satellites. Rather, it’s the value of shared rules for military transparency. Rather than scrapping the agreement, the United States should be talking with Russia about how to modernize it.
The problem is that relations between Washington and Moscow are frozen, partly because of the partisan paralysis that surrounds Trump’s presidency. As Nunn and Moniz write: “The United States and Russia are now in a state of strategic instability; an accident or mishap could set off a cataclysm.” Just because Trump favors more dialogue with Russia is not a reason for Democrats to oppose it.
The last pillar of the old regime is the 2010 New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START). It will expire in 2021 unless it is renewed. This should be a no-brainer. It caps the number of nuclear warheads and provides important verification measures. But unless the two nations resume strategic dialogue, this, too, will slip away.
And then there are some terrifying new problems, which weren’t anticipated back in the heyday of arms control. Rules of war don’t exist for cyberspace. As Nunn and Moniz note, cyberattacks could disable early-warning systems, leaving nations blind to a missile attack, or disrupt command-and-control systems that could retaliate. And then there are space weapons, which could destroy military and surveillance satellites.
Russia has been a primary culprit in the unraveling process. Vladimir Putin’s revenge play for the loss of the Soviet Union has meant pushing back on every front, including Open Skies and other arms-control pacts. The United States shouldn’t reward his belligerence, but it shouldn’t ignore major strategic issues with Russia, either.
The final obvious reason the United States needs to think more about arms control is that we have a careening, out-of-control president who, let’s never forget, commands the codes that could launch nuclear weapons. As the impeachment debate heats up, the United States will need a steadying process of quiet, high-level discussion about issues that are, in the end, a matter of life or death for us all.