Pelosi also pushed back hard against the idea that, in holding Trump and his administration accountable, Democrats would be engaging in some sort of investigative orgy. On the contrary, she said, Article I of the Constitution grants Congress responsibility for “oversight over the agencies of government.”
She added pointedly: “We don’t want the administration describing the traditional congressional responsibility for oversight to be labeled ‘investigation.’ There may be some investigations that spring from another purpose, but we will be strategic and not political when it comes to that.” She senses no need to explain or elaborate on the meaning of the words “another purpose,” even though they represent a potentially mortal threat to Trump’s presidency.
The Democrats’ assumption of power in the House this week will alter U.S. politics in ways that go well beyond their capacity to make life miserable for the president and his lieutenants.
While the two dozen or so potential presidential candidates will be cast as the ultimate arbiters of what Democrats will choose to stand for in 2020, the agenda Pelosi and her colleagues put forward could play an unusually large role in shaping how the nation sees the alternatives to Trumpism. If Trump has a way of making sure that the bulk of political news emanates from Washington, his newly powerful opponents in the House can turn this to their advantage.
The woman who will return as speaker after an eight-year absence sounded almost gleeful in discussing the planks in the House platform. She was characteristically disciplined in sticking to the issues that helped elect the ideologically diverse group of 63 new Democratic members who gave her the opportunity to wield the gavel.
At the top of the list is a sweeping political reform package linked to a new Voting Rights Act. Taking on the “special interests,” she said, will “give people confidence” in the rest of the Democratic wish list that includes health care (with a focus on prescription drug prices and protecting people with preexisting conditions), workforce training and “building the infrastructure of America in a green way.”
For the longer term, Democrats would be looking for ways to expand health coverage by strengthening the Affordable Care Act. She argued — optimistically — that the range of viewpoints within her party over exactly how to do this would create “a lively and positive discussion” of the practical questions: “What are the benefits? How is it paid for? What is the impact on the individual? What is the impact on the delivery of care?”
The House’s first order of business is not how she expected to start: the imperative of reopening the government. The House plans to pass a series of spending bills that have already been approved by the Republican-majority Senate. A separate bill would extend existing funding for the Department of Homeland Security (where any money for a wall-like thing would reside) to allow a month of negotiation.
“If they reject this,” she said of the prospect that Senate Republicans would reject their own bills, “it would be highly irresponsible, and it would be a manifestation of the president of the United States making fools of them.”
Republican senators, of course, may prefer that to being attacked by Trump. This is what Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) suggested Wednesday in saying he’d reject any House bills that Trump wouldn’t sign. Still, Pelosi’s swipe reflected the tenacious approach to negotiating her supporters prize.
And then there’s the other side of Pelosi, who insisted on ending our conversation by declaring, “We want America’s heart to be full of love as we go forward.”
A delightful thought. But for Trump, it will be tough love.