“I’m not,” Vega replied. “Thank you, Mr. President.”
Trump, apparently believing that Vega had said, “I’m not thinking that,” replied, “That’s okay, I know you’re not thinking. You never do."
“I’m sorry?” Vega replied, nonplussed.
“No, go ahead,” Trump said. “Go ahead.”
That was only the beginning of Trump’s ill treatment of the journalists he’d invited to the Rose Garden. Vega then asked a question about Trump’s nominee to the Supreme Court, Brett M. Kavanaugh. Trump disparaged the question and refused to answer it until later in the news conference.
When CNN’s Kaitlan Collins tried to come back to Kavanaugh a few questions later, Trump interrupted her, saying that asking about the judge was “not nice.” As Collins continued to try to ask about Kavanaugh, Trump repeatedly spoke over her, telling her not to “do that” — ask the question she wanted to ask. Later still, Trump complained about what he said was unfair news coverage, including inaccurate reporting.
“I certainly had that with my election,” he said. “They were telling me I was, you know, in trouble in certain states, and I ended up winning in a grand — like, in a landslide. And I knew I was going to win them in a landslide, but they wouldn’t report it that way. You know why? Fake news.” (Trump didn’t win in an landslide and admitted after the election that he didn’t think he was going to win.)
There’s a presumed cordiality between the media and the president that still lingers, even in encounters between reporters and this particular president. Then at times we’re reminded that it’s a foolish presumption.
One component of that traditional relationship is that, when the president isn’t available to answer questions, his press secretary will do so. But over the past three months, the White House has held only nine “daily” news briefings and one additional, less formal press gaggle.
That includes the sole news briefing in September, during which most of the questions were fielded by Kevin Hassett, chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers.
Since July 1, the White House has spent about 4½ hours in news briefings and gaggles, including three briefings in which someone besides Sanders occupied most of the time.
There was no single month during 2016 in which President Barack Obama’s press secretary, Josh Earnest, spent less than nine hours briefing the media.
Trump largely gave up on news conferences after the Democratic National Convention in 2016. Over the following 12 months, well into his presidency, he held only two more. He has now held two news conferences in the past week.
Why? In a profile of Sanders that was published two weeks after her most recent press briefing, the New Yorker’s Paige Williams explained why Trump preferred Sanders to former press secretary Sean Spicer — who himself spent far more time talking to the media than she does.
“Despite her complaints about rude reporters, Sanders might not actually be hoping for more decorousness from the press corps,” Williams wrote. “The campaign strategist in her surely realizes that heated exchanges generally work to Trump’s advantage. The more aggressive the press’s questions, the more loudly the President cries ‘fake news,’ and the more tenaciously his base supports him. It’s also been good for Sanders’s job security: the more ferociously she responds to the media in public, the more Trump admires her.”
Trump has long realized that Sanders’s presumption was feasible. His campaign was predicated on framing the media as oppositional. In part, this was because the media would regularly point out that many of the things he says are untrue. But in part it’s because he was running against the media as an element of the national elite. Speaking with Trump supporters reveals that they see the media as unfairly targeting Trump, spurring his supporters to want to rise to his defense and, in the process, draw themselves closer to him. Why Sanders has slowed news briefings to a trickle isn’t clear, but it’s certainly the case that, of late, Trump is happy to throw punches and engage with the press himself.
New York University professor Jay Rosen, a prominent observer of the political media, notes that the typical presentation of Trump as seeking and enjoying media attention is incomplete.
“In the United States the President is leading a hate movement against journalism,” Rosen writes, “and with his core supporters it is succeeding. They reject the product on principle. Their leading source of information about Trump is Trump, which means an authoritarian news system is for them up and running.” Polling consistently shows that Rosen is correct: Trump’s base trusts him more than it does the media. Trump’s outrage at the media bolsters that division, but it also reflects his own sincere irritation.
The White House doesn’t want to talk to reporters. Trump largely wants to talk to reporters only if they praise and reinforce him — Fox News — or if he can berate and embarrass them. It is not how a president generally interacts with the media. But as Rosen notes, it is what a leader who operates outside the constraints of a democracy is prone to do.
Press secretaries often play a role in the natural tension between an elected president and a demanding media. Sanders’s role is to shield Trump from questions and to criticize them so that Trump can keep his hands clean.
But Trump doesn’t care about that insulation. He rejects it. He wants the press to feel, directly from him, his anger and dismissiveness.
Later in Monday’s news conference, Trump allowed Vega to ask her question about Kavanaugh. In his response, he told Vega: “I consider you a part of the Democrat Party.”