Riot police have fired tear gas and rubber bullets to discourage demonstrators from reaching central areas in the capital of Algiers. The government even shut down wireless data networks to prevent mobilization through social media. Journalists have also been detained and demonstrators arrested for vandalism and disturbance of public order.
In a parliament meeting Thursday, Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia blamed outside “manipulation” for instigating demonstrations, warning further unrest may turn Algeria into another Syria. More protests are scheduled for Sunday.
A president hidden from the public eye
On Feb. 10, Bouteflika announced via the state news agency that he would seek a fifth presidential term. In the letter, he justified his candidacy by claiming voices across society “once again appeal that I continue with my mission in the service of the country.”
The announcement did not come as a surprise, though for months there has been speculation. Having joined the revolutionary movement against France in the 1950s, Bouteflika has maintained a consistent presence in Algerian politics. He leads the National Liberation Front, which has ruled Algeria since independence in 1962. President since 1999, Bouteflika amended the constitution to keep his position for multiple terms. However, since having a stroke in 2013, the almost 82-year-old president uses a wheelchair and rarely makes public appearances.
There is little doubt that Bouteflika will win again if he does end up running, as he faces no viable competition. Opposition parties have been unable to unite behind a candidate. Despite a facade of political pluralism, with almost 70 parties competing in the most recent parliamentary elections, the National Liberation Front and its alliance have continued to dominate both polls and policymaking.
A former prime minister of Bouteflika and his most prominent opponent, Ali Benflis, has declared support for the protesters and announced his intention to challenge Bouteflika a third time, following unsuccessful attempts in 2004 and 2014. Benflis may allege electoral fraud once again. It is unlikely, however, to make a dent in the status quo distribution of power, which many say is necessary for maintaining stability and security in Algeria.
Deja vu of 2014, or a new era?
Given Bouteflika’s ailing health, who runs Algeria? The power, an exclusive club of influential generals, politicians and business executives, make the important decisions, including who gets to occupy the presidency. Because these players of the game cannot agree on a successor, they prefer to let an elderly man in frail health continue as head of state.
Protesters previously mobilized across the country in 2014, when Bouteflika was running for his fourth term. Though he already too fragile to campaign for himself, Bouteflika achieved more than 80 percent of votes.
Unlike his counterparts in Tunisia and Libya, Bouteflika also survived the Arab uprisings that swept through the region in 2011. This is in large part because memories of the decade-long civil war remain vivid for Algerians. The conflict that took 200,000 lives was triggered by the first competitive multiparty election held in Algeria in 1991. In the contest, the Islamist opposition Islamic Salvation Front was anticipated to achieve power. But the ensuing strife ended ultimately in a return to fully consolidated authoritarianism.
The war was also extremely costly for Algeria’s military, and presumably the generals want to avoid another catastrophe. In addition, even if the protests continue, the army will have no justification to step in as they did before, since the Islamists have mostly been co-opted by the regime.
The possibility of change
Half of the Algerian population is under age 28. Though they have only known one president, these youths also have relatively few memories of the bloody civil war that traumatized older generations. Consequently, they may be more insistent on sustaining their demands for democratic change.
In his letter, Bouteflika declared his support of a national consensus aimed at improving “people power.” He could help achieve this by stepping down peacefully before he is removed by elite or popular mobilization.
There are a few potential replacements for Bouteflika aligned with the ruling elite. It has long been suspected that Said, Bouteflika’s brother, has been running the country in place of the ailing president. Ali Haddad, one of Algeria’s most prominent business executives, is also rumored to have political ambitions. Another possible contender is Ouyahia.
Whether they choose one of the aforementioned three or a less prominent figure, the ruling coalition may come to resolve their disagreements and decide to support a new leader. In this case, the regime would demonstrate a degree of responsiveness to the people. A new leader may introduce the reforms necessary to resolve Algeria’s economic malaise. This arrangement would also preserve the power.
The Algerian army may choose to return to the barracks in the face of further popular unrest rather than help to repress protests. In addition, if oil prices fall again, the petrostate will lack resources to address the economic challenges driving much of the unrest.
Continued demonstrations could contribute to greater mobilization throughout the region. While the downfall of the regime has not been prominent among protesters’ demands, Algerians have made clear that they do not want another regime puppet in place of Bouteflika.