The simple description of American politics today is that of a battle between red vs. blue. But a major new report highlights just how much Republicans and Democrats are driven by factionalism and issue differences within their own coalitions — even as some Americans remain alienated from the two major parties and the public square.

The Pew Research Center study divides the electorate into nine groups — four Republican, four Democratic and a disparate and disaffected group that does not fit well into either party’s coalition.

Republicans are divided over former president Donald Trump, who continues to dominate as the public face of his party 10 months after leaving office. Members of all GOP groups heavily backed Trump in 2020, but they part ways on his future role. Majorities in just two of the four GOP groups — albeit the largest ones — want him to run again in 2024, and only one of the four groups rates him as the best president of the past 40 years. For two other Republican groups, that accolade goes to former president Ronald Reagan, while the fourth group is divided between Reagan and Trump.

The study also illustrated the dividing line that race represents in American politics. No more than a quarter of any of the four predominantly White GOP groups say “a lot” more needs to be done to guarantee equal rights for all Americans regardless of their racial or ethnic background. And clear majorities of all Republican-oriented groups reject the concept of White privilege, saying that White people do not benefit much or at all from advantages in society that Black people lack.

But more than 7 in 10 of each Democratic group, far more diverse than their counterparts, say much more needs to be done to reach the objective of equal rights. They also generally share a belief that White people benefit from advantages in society that Black people do not.

“Perhaps no issue is more divisive than racial injustice in the U.S.,” the report states.

Still, among Democrats, there are large differences over how to solve the problem they see, with some saying the necessary progress can be achieved working within the existing system while others say that “most laws and major institutions need to be completely rebuilt.”

The Pew study, the eighth such analysis the polling operation has done since 1987 and this year based on responses from more than 10,000 adults, in some ways reinforced a sense of stability in party coalitions but with underlying dissent.

Republicans and Democrats differ on the size and scope of government, a long-standing gulf between the parties. Democrats collectively favor more and bigger government but are divided among themselves on whether services should be “greatly” expanded, with a clear majority of the most progressive group in the party saying yes compared with about one-third of the other Democratic groups agreeing.

Republicans, too, are divided on aspects of economic policy. While most Republican groups are consistently conservative on fiscal issues, one with a more populist bent dissents on the issue of corporate power, saying “business corporations make too much profit” and favoring higher taxes on those with household incomes above $400,000. This puts them closer to many Democrats than to most in their own party.

The study finds both parties have a tenuous hold on the youngest segments of their coalitions, a pattern that echoes younger Americans’ broad skepticism about parties and politics.

Pew breaks down Republicans into the following groups: Faith and Flag Conservatives, Committed Conservatives, Populist Right and Ambivalent Right. The four groups making up the Democratic coalition are: Progressive Left, Establishment Liberals, Democratic Mainstays and Outsider Left.

The ninth group carries the label of Stressed Sideliners, whose members are not ideologically cohesive and therefore are a part of each party’s coalition. What binds them together is that they are among the most financially troubled Americans and the least engaged politically.

The largest of the Democratic groups are the Democratic Mainstays, accounting for 28 percent of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents. Of the four groups, they alone mostly identify themselves as moderates, and they hold less liberal views on immigration, crime and the military. They are older and less well-educated than other groups and they are the most racially diverse. They were among Biden’s strongest supporters in the 2020 Democratic nomination contest.

Black voters are far more likely to be Democratic Mainstays or in a second group called Establishment Liberals than any other. Three in 4 Democratic Mainstays say they are religiously affiliated and over one-third say practicing their religious faith is one of the most important things in their lives.

The Establishment Liberals are nearly as large, making up 23 percent of Democrats. The Pew study characterizes them as liberal, racially diverse, generally optimistic and open to compromise. They currently are among Biden’s strongest supporters, and also contributed to his victory in the party contests last year.

These Democrats are more likely to support “more measured approaches to societal change” even though they are liberal and agree with other Democrats that much more needs to be done to bring about racial justice and equal treatment for all. This group looks like the party as a whole: more women than men; about half White, nearly 1 in 5 Black, 1 in 5 Hispanic and 1 in 10 Asian. They make up 23 percent of the Democrats.

The third-largest group of Democrats are labeled Outsider Left. They are the youngest of the groups, liberal in their views — but, Pew says, many are discontented with the political system and the Democratic Party. Only about a third see themselves as Democrats while half are independents who lean Democratic. They are also less likely to vote than other Democratic groups. They make up 16 percent of the Democratic coalition.

The final party group, Progressive Left Democrats, are highly engaged politically and very liberal in their views. They tend to be younger and highly educated. In the 2020 Democratic primaries, they were more likely to support Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) or Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) than Biden. They are the only group of Democrats who like politicians who identify themselves as democratic socialists, as Sanders and several younger House members do. Roughly two-thirds are non-Hispanic Whites and about half have no religious affiliation. They make up about 12 percent of Americans who identify as Democrats or lean toward the Democratic Party.

Two groups are tied in size as the largest segments of the Republican coalition.

Pew describes Faith and Flag Conservatives as “highly religious, politically engaged and both socially and economically conservative.” They prefer a smaller role for government and a “more robust role” for religion in the public debates. And they not only supported Trump in big numbers, but more than 8 in 10 say he should remain a major national political figure and 55 percent want him to run for president in 2024.

They have the biggest share of evangelical Christians — more than 4 in 10 — and strongly oppose abortion and same sex marriage. They are the only GOP group in which a majority says legalization of same-sex marriage is bad for the country, and the only group in which a majority says government policies should support religious values and beliefs. Along with the Populist Right, they favor increasing the size of the U.S. military.

On racial issues, they see considerable discrimination against White people and think Whites benefit “not at all” from advantages that Blacks do not have. A majority say more attention to the history of slavery is bad for the country. They are the oldest of the groups and make up 23 percent of the GOP.

Making up the same percentage are Populist Right Republicans, who are very conservative on most issues but also look more skeptically at the economic system than other Republican groups. They are described as hard-liners on immigration, for example, with nearly half saying the number of legal immigrants should be decreased. They also have a very negative view toward government. But more than 8 in 10 say large corporations have had a negative impact on the country and more than half favor higher taxes on the wealthy.

They are overwhelmingly White in their makeup, include more women than men and are less likely to be college graduates than in other GOP groups. Of all the groups in either party, they are more likely to say that Whites becoming a declining share of the U.S. population is bad for society. The Populist Right are also firmly in Trump’s camp, saying by a 10-point margin that he was the best president in the past four decades, with 57 percent saying he should run again in 2024.

Those in a third group, the Ambivalent Right, share some characteristics with Democrats in the Outsider Left. They too are younger and, as Pew notes, “politically cross-pressured” including being more likely to support legalizing recreational marijuana and legal abortion than other GOP groups. The group is mostly Republican, but some Democrats are included. They feel ignored by the Democratic Party but are split about 50-50 on whether the Republican Party represents their views.

They are the most racially diverse of the Republican-leaning groups, with about 3 in 10 either Hispanic, Black or Asian. Unlike other Republican groups, more feel coldly toward Trump than warmly, with 21 percent saying they want him to run for president again. They make up 18 percent of the GOP.

The final Republican group, Committed Conservatives, are highly conservative on most issues and tend to reflect the party’s traditional pro-business attitudes, including support for international trade. They are more moderate on immigration than the two most conservative groups and a bit more moderate on some racial issues, but not approaching the views of those in the Democratic groups.

They are less likely than Faith and Flag Conservatives or the Populist Right to favor a significant role for Trump in national politics going forward. Committed Conservatives also are less apt to look kindly on GOP officials who buy into Trump’s false claim that he was the legitimate winner of the 2020 election. They make up 15 percent of Republicans and Republican leaners.

The least partisan voters in the survey seem to occupy the middle ground — but they are not necessarily moderates. Stressed Sideliners turned out in lower numbers in 2020 — a mere 45 percent voted compared with an average of 72 percent across other groups. The group split its vote, 49 percent for Trump and 48 percent for Biden. Fewer than half of them say it really matters which party wins in 2022.

But they account for about 1 in 7 registered voters, which makes the group bigger than the Progressive Left, Outsider Left, Committed Conservatives or Faith and Flag Conservatives. They lean to the left on economic issues and to the right on social issues.

The typology study was primarily based on a survey of 10,221 adults conducted July 8-18 with Pew’s American Trends Panel, an ongoing panel recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. The margin of sampling error for overall results is plus or minus 1.5 percentage points; the error margin for typology groups ranges from 3.9 points to 5.4 points.