It’s almost impossible to find a lawmaker who loves the federal borrowing limit known as the debt ceiling. Some hate it with a passion. “We should get rid of the debt ceiling. It is an anachronism. And it actually is a hindrance to good government,” said Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), who regularly participated in several major debt negotiations over the last decade.

Others think that it serves a purpose in a philosophical way to get people to think about the mounting national debt. “I have struggled with it, I’ve thought through it multiple times. It does force us to consider the debt itself, one more time every now and then,” said Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), who voted Thursday against extending borrowing authority.

Yet everyone agrees that the consequences of breaching the law — a federal default on the more than $28 trillion debt that would leave the Treasury unable to finance the federal government and send global financial markets plummeting — are so dire that it could never actually happen.

In late September, with the fiscal issue looming, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) said, “The full faith and credit of the United States of America cannot be questioned. The Constitution says that.”

Yet the law has remained on the books since the dawn of World War I, with no serious efforts to revise it thus far and long odds that a current proposal will, either. Indeed, most lawmakers take the view that, because Congress has always found a way around it, they’ll keep avoiding catastrophe.

Rep. Brendan Boyle (D-Pa.) thinks that is incredibly naive, particularly in this era of Congress when the most basic functions turn into high-wire acts. Just because the Senate approved a temporary reprieve Thursday night, allowing $480 billion in new federal borrowing, doesn’t mean lawmakers will come together in a few months to make a longer-term deal.

Thursday’s vote isn’t even a guarantee of success in the House, which is slated to take up the short-term bill Tuesday, when Pelosi will have just three votes to spare if every Republican in the chamber votes no.

“We keep tempting fate and tempting fate,” Boyle said in an interview with The Post. For four years, Boyle has sponsored legislation that would give the power to raise the federal borrowing authority to the treasury secretary, allowing Congress the opportunity to block it retroactively.

A pair of powerful Democrats, Pelosi and House Budget Committee Chairman John Yarmuth (Ky.), have announced their support in recent weeks, with Yarmuth considering holding a hearing soon. Others have joined the cause to no avail. In July 2015, the Government Accountability Office sent Congress a lengthy report outlining all the reasons the debt law should be revised. Its most important finding was that the laws fails its central mission of prompting debate about how to reduce debt.

“This approach to raising the debt limit does not facilitate timely debate over specific tax or spending proposals and their effect on debt, and can limit the range of options Congress has to effect an immediate change on the trajectory of federal debt,” the GAO authors wrote six years ago.

The current law contains a central design flaw: It should be easy to avoid something so horrendous, yet lawmakers in both parties consider it one of the toughest votes they cast every few years. Only the most politically safe incumbents on Capitol Hill happily vote to increase the debt ceiling.

Just consider how painful it was for the Senate to give a brief debt ceiling reprieve. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) spent nearly three months warning that not a single Republican in the chamber would join Democrats in lifting the debt ceiling, which had an Oct. 18 deadline, because Republicans bitterly opposed the entirely separate Democratic plan to spend up to $3.5 trillion on rewriting social safety net programs.

McConnell has invited Senate Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) to approve a debt hike through budget procedures that will allow a Democratic-only bill to advance, assuring Democrats they could do so in expedited fashion. However, many Democrats in the House and Senate, especially those in swing seats, see a classic McConnell trap. They know that the debt vote applies to old legislation, including $8 trillion accrued during Donald Trump’s four years as president, and does not apply to their social policy agenda’s price tag of several trillion dollars.

“The debt ceiling is like a vote to say I really meant to do what I already did. In other words, I’m going to agree to pay the bills that I’ve already run up on the credit card,” Van Hollen said. But they know McConnell’s offer for speedy consideration will be followed with millions of dollars in attack ads accusing the Democrats of more debt to pay for their new social programs. “In a TV ad, it’s very easy to mischaracterize,” Boyle said.

As the Oct. 18 deadline drew closer, it became clear that Democrats might not have enough votes to pass the debt increase in the traditional way of setting a specific dollar amount. Instead, they considered a onetime effort to blow filibuster rules and allow them to pass a suspension of the debt ceiling past the 2022 midterm elections, to get around the law.

McConnell had been too effective for his own good. Either Democrats were going to fail to raise the debt ceiling, or they were going to take a historic action to restrict the minority party’s rights. So he retreated.

McConnell allowed Schumer to advance the short-term extension of borrowing by rounding up 11 Republican votes to end debate and get to a final vote. Some Republicans publicly rebuked McConnell for backing down, even temporarily, while most just quietly opposed him out of fear that voting yes would lead to a conservative primary challenge.

Getting those 11 Republican votes on the deal was, according to Senate Minority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.), “a painful birthing process.”

If such a brief lift in the debt ceiling was that painful, it demonstrates that it is just a matter of time before Congress bungles its way into rupturing the debt limit. Some veteran Republicans privately fear such a scenario should Republicans win back the House, where strident conservatives have the most control and would likely oppose a future debt ceiling lift.

Cramer said the potential for financial chaos limits the effectiveness in the law, even for fellow conservatives who want less spending. “In a heartbeat, I would trade the debt ceiling for a balanced-budget amendment,” he said. But Democrats remain opposed, so the standoff continues.

Boyle modeled his proposal on a procedure that McConnell supported a decade ago, after a 2011 debt standoff. It set up procedural votes with a high bar to reject the increase in the federal borrowing authority. “It’s time to finally just rip off the Band-Aid,” Boyle continued. “It’s in our interest to just pass something that solves this once and for all.”