Abdullah al-Haimi points at a cement factory in Amran destroyed by a Saudi-led coalition airstrike. The complex has been hit dozens of times, destroying jobs. (Sudarsan Raghavan/The Washington Post)

Abdullah ­al-Haimi walked through the wasteland, pointing out the damage at a now-closed cement plant. A warehouse here, broken beams protruding. A quarry there, littered with shrapnel.

In total, he said, the complex had been bombed 53 times in the past year and a half — all by Saudi-led coalition warplanes, aided by the United States.

One strike at the main entrance killed 15 people, including an ice-cream vendor outside the gate.

But for Haimi, a manager at the plant in western central Yemen, the greatest destruction has occurred far beyond the perimeter of the state-owned facility. The lives of the 1,500 employees, and thousands of relatives who depended on them, have been shattered.

“Those who died didn’t die alone,” he said, his voice choking as sunlight poured into a warehouse through the gaping holes left by the strikes. “We died with them.”

A cooking gas factory destroyed by a Saudi-led coalition airstrike in the northwestern city of Hajjah, more than doubling black-market prices. (Sudarsan Raghavan/The Washington Post)

In Yemen, it is not just the impoverished who are suffering. The war is also decimating the small but essential middle class, eroding the backbone of an economy that was already the region’s poorest and most dysfunctional before the violence erupted 21 months ago.

The airstrikes have targeted nearly every industry, erasing countless jobs and dreams. An air, sea and land blockade by neighboring Saudi Arabia has made fuel and food scarcer, causing prices to skyrocket in a nation that imports 90 percent of its food and medicine. A banking crisis has added to the turmoil, leaving government workers unpaid and harming businesses.

A military spokesman for the Saudi-led coalition said in an email that all potential targets are scrutinized to ensure that they are “genuine.” Asked specifically about the Amran plant, Maj. Gen. Ahmed Asiri replied that in many cases, the Houthi rebels the coalition is fighting are “using former civilian sites for weapons and ammunition storage, as command-and-control centers, and for other military purposes.”

Christopher Sherwood, a U.S. military spokesman, said the United States does not “participate in targeting, target selection or target engagement in support of the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen.”

Yemen’s economic plight mirrors that of other nations gripped by civil war and political uncertainty after the Arab Spring uprisings more than five years ago. A recent U.N. survey found that the upheavals have cost the region $614 billion in lost growth since 2011.

Yemen has been in decline since its longtime autocrat, President Ali Abdullah Saleh, was forced out of power nearly five years ago. But any hope for growth vanished when the conflict erupted in March 2015. Now, the Houthis and Saleh’s supporters are fighting militias nominally loyal to President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi, who fled when the rebels seized the capital, Sanaa, last year. They now rule the northwest, while Hadi controls swaths of the south and east.

Saudi Arabia and a coalition of Persian Gulf nations entered the conflict to reinstate Hadi, while the United States, worried about Yemen’s al-Qaeda branch and an emerging Islamic State presence, is aiding the Saudis by selling them weapons, refueling their warplanes and providing intelligence and other support.

At least 10,000 people have been killed, including many civilians, and more than 3 million are displaced, according to U.N. statistics.

Some died in assaults on infrastructure. More than 200 businesses have been damaged or destroyed by airstrikes since the war began, including dozens of factories and warehouses, according to the Sanaa Chamber of Commerce and Industry.

“These are not military facilities,” said Abdul-Hakeem Al-Manj, a legal adviser for the chamber, whose headquarters was obliterated by an airstrike in January.

In some cases, he said, factories have been destroyed during clashes but it was difficult to determine which side was responsible.

But the impact is clear. Yemen’s economy shrank by 34.6 percent last year, according to U.N. estimates, and is expected to contract an additional 11 percent this year.

Anwar Jarrallah understands why. His factories are running at a quarter of their capabilities, he said, and in some months are shut down altogether. With airstrikes hitting power plants, electricity is scarce or nonexistent. Fuel-driven generators are essential but expensive to run.

The seaport in Hodeidah — where much of what northwestern Yemen imports and humanitarian aid arrives — was also attacked, disabling giant cranes and other equipment.

The damage, coupled with the blockade, delays shipments of Jarrallah’s chicken feed and vaccines, by months sometimes. And now he has to hire a ship with its own crane and pay more in insurance.

Once his shipment arrives, it is often stuck for days at the port, incurring additional charges. Houthi officials also slap on fees. Then Jarrallah pays other “taxes” at Houthi checkpoints to ensure that his freight passes through, he said.

Meanwhile, the banking crisis has made business transactions nearly impossible. Western banks are unwilling to extend credit, and the central bank stopped providing guarantees to importers, leaving them to self-finance shipments.

The situation worsened in September when President Hadi, to prevent the Houthis from accessing money, ordered the transfer of the central bank to the southern port city of Aden, where he has established his government. Importers are now unable to readily acquire foreign currency that was already scarce, and 1.2 million public employees are no longer being paid.

“The airstrikes, de facto blockade and collapse of the central bank have together precipitated the near-total collapse of Yemen’s economy,” said Scott Paul, a senior humanitarian policy adviser for the aid agency Oxfam America. “These steps show that all of the main parties are willing to wage economic warfare and risk tremendous suffering by ordinary people in order to advance their positions.”

For Jarrallah, acquiring letters of credit to pay for his imports has become harder and costlier. “A lot of merchants are reeling from these same problems,” he said at his office in Sanaa.

Across the country, the attacks have set off a chain reaction of misfortune.

In Amran, the cement factory’s closure affected hundreds of truck drivers, and distributors as well. The plant contributed funds to help provide sanitation services, support local schools and aid the disabled.

“It’s not just us who are out of jobs,” said Haroun Al Sadi, another manager at the factory. “We even had a big water truck that provided free water for people. All this is gone now.”

Like other employees interviewed, he said the plant was never used as a military base or to store weapons. “It was targeted for political reasons,” Sadi said. “They want people to go hungry and then turn against the Houthis.”

Earlier this year, an airstrike pummeled the only cooking-gas distributor supplying the northwestern city of Hajjah and surrounding areas, more than doubling the black-market prices.

“The attack increased the cost of living for 700,000 people,” said the owner’s son, Yasser Yahya Selba, who still possessed the pieces of an American-made MK82 bomb that hit one of the storage tanks.

At a street market in Sanaa known for its secondhand sales, Khalil Al Ammari has been seeing a new kind of customer at his stall: the government worker.

In recent weeks, a stream of bureaucrats, soldiers, police officers and others who have not been paid in three months have sold their possessions. Ammari said one government ministry worker even sold him his bed and said now he would sleep on the floor.

“The desperation, I think, is only going to grow,” Ammari said.

Samira Ali used to work in a government lab in the war-torn southern city of Taiz. Then she was displaced by an airstrike and forced to move in with her sister in Sanaa. She has sold her jewelry and the shares she owned in a telecommunications company to help pay expenses. “There’s nothing left to sell,” lamented Ali, who once earned $270 a month, about four times the average salary.

At a Houthi-organized protest against the central-bank move, Hamoud Muhsein, an administrative aide in the mayor’s office, explained his increasingly desperate situation. With five children to provide for, he had sold his car, some of his guns, even the gold his wife received at their wedding. Now, he was selling his refrigerator. “Even if we did have electricity, we have nothing to put in the fridge,” he said.

At a grocery store in Sanaa, prices of imported beans, rice, sugar and other staples have shot up 50 percent. Owner Towfik Al-Raymi said most of his customers were employees from embassies, tourism agencies, oil firms and airline companies, but as their offices closed, fewer come now. Some have not paid down their credit in months and are begging him not to cut them off.

“If my customers don’t pay, I’ll go bankrupt,” he said.

Haimi began working at the cement factory in 1982. Now he, too, has sold his wife’s wedding gold and other possessions. He can no longer afford tuition for his two daughters.

Haimi walked past giant, rusting bulldozers, past an office that contained the remnants of an American munition that hit the plant. It was a CBU-105 cluster bomb made in July 2012 by Avco Corp., now Textron, based in Rhode Island.

“I was supposed to retire this coming year,” he said. “By then, we’ll be living on the streets. If we had actually died, it would have been better for us.”

Thomas Gibbons-Neff in Washington and Ali Al-Mujahed in Amran contributed to this report.